Tag Archives: black wall street

The Prospect Heights Empire, Part I: What Khadijah James, Kyle Barker, and the Living Single Six Could Have Built Together

The function of freedom is to free somebody else. — Toni Morrison

There is a brownstone on a tree-lined block in Prospect Heights, Brooklyn that television once made sacred. Between 1993 and 1998, Living Single gave Black America something it had rarely seen in prime time: six young professionals, rooted in community, living with intention and ambition in one of the most historically Black neighborhoods in the United States. Khadijah James was building a media company. Kyle Barker was moving markets. Maxine Shaw was winning courtrooms. Régine Hunter was shaping aesthetics. Synclaire James was cultivating audiences. Overton Wakefield Jones was holding the physical infrastructure together.

Television, however, being what it is, treated these characters as a collection of charming personalities rather than what they actually were: a fully staffed, vertically integrated holding company waiting to happen. This is the story of what they should have built.

To understand the magnitude of the missed opportunity, one must first inventory the human capital assembled inside that Brooklyn brownstone. Khadijah James ran Flavor magazine as editor, publisher, and chief revenue officer — all without the title or the equity structure to match. She possessed the rarest combination in media: editorial vision and the operational will to execute it. Her Howard University classmate and best friend, Maxine Shaw, was a Howard Law-trained attorney with a litigation record and a strategic mind sharp enough to cut through any corporate structure. Kyle Barker held a Series 7 license and worked on Wall Street at a time when fewer than 3% of stockbrokers in the United States were Black. Régine Hunter was a boutique buyer with a finely calibrated eye for brand, trend, and consumer psychology — skills that today command mid-six-figure salaries in brand strategy and fashion consulting. Synclaire James, often underestimated, possessed the one asset that no business school can manufacture: an authentic connection to an audience. And Overton Jones, the building’s maintenance man, was a master of the physical built environment — a man who could fix, build, assess, and manage real property with technical expertise and institutional loyalty. Six people. Six distinct competencies. One address. The question is not whether they had what it took. The question is why no one ever suggested they combine it.

Flavor Group Holdings would have been organized as a Delaware C-Corporation with six co-founders holding equal equity tranches of 16.67% each at founding, subject to standard four-year vesting schedules with a one-year cliff. The governance structure would have assigned each founder a role corresponding to their demonstrated competency. Khadijah James would serve as Chief Executive Officer and Publisher — the company’s public face, editorial driver, and primary relationship manager with advertisers and distribution partners. Flavor magazine, already generating revenue, becomes the flagship asset and the brand that anchors everything else. Maxine Shaw would hold the role of General Counsel and Chief Legal Officer. Every media company transaction, every real estate deal, every employment contract, every licensing agreement passes through Maxine’s desk. She is not simply the lawyer on retainer — she is the institutional immune system, the person whose job is to ensure the company never gives away more than it receives. Kyle Barker would serve as Chief Financial Officer and Head of Capital Markets — not simply managing the company’s books, but building the capital architecture, structuring debt instruments, managing the investment portfolio, identifying accretive acquisitions, and positioning the company for institutional funding. His Wall Street credentials are the bridge between Khadijah’s vision and the capital required to scale it.

Régine Hunter would become Chief Brand Officer and Head of Consumer Products. She is not a boutique buyer anymore — she is the architect of Flavor Group’s brand extension strategy, governing licensing, merchandising, fashion partnerships, and eventually a Flavor-branded lifestyle vertical that monetizes the audience Khadijah has spent years cultivating. Her later work as a wedding planner reveals a service orientation and event production skill that would translate directly into the company’s live event and experiential revenue line. Synclaire James would serve as Chief Creative Officer and Head of Talent Relations. Her acting background and relational warmth make her uniquely suited to manage the talent ecosystem that a media company depends upon: writers, photographers, contributors, brand ambassadors, and eventually the television personalities that Flavor would feature as its audience expanded. Synclaire is also the company’s institutional memory — the one who ensures that the culture of the organization never loses the warmth that built the audience in the first place. Overton Wakefield Jones would hold the role of Chief Operating Officer and Head of Real Property. This is perhaps the most analytically underappreciated appointment. His role is not merely to fix things — it is to acquire, maintain, and develop the physical infrastructure that gives Flavor Group Holdings its most durable long-term asset base. In 1995, Prospect Heights brownstones were selling for between $150,000 and $250,000, a fraction of the $2 million to $4 million valuations they command today. A systematic acquisition strategy of three to five properties in the immediate vicinity of their original building, executed between 1995 and 2002, would alone represent an unrealized asset base worth between $8 million and $18 million at current market.

Flavor Group Holdings would have operated across three mutually reinforcing business pillars. The first is media and content. Flavor magazine remains the core asset, but the strategy evolves. The magazine is not simply a publication — it is an audience aggregation platform. By 1998, with digital distribution beginning to reshape print media economics, Khadijah and Kyle would have recognized that the magazine’s value lay not in its paper but in its subscriber list, its advertiser relationships, and its brand authority in Black urban culture. A digital transition, executed early, would have positioned Flavor Group as one of the first Black-owned digital media properties at scale — preceding by nearly a decade the consolidation that would eventually hollow out Black print media. Synclaire’s talent relationships would have fueled a podcast network and video content vertical by 2005, and Régine’s consumer product instincts would have monetized the audience through branded partnerships that competitors lacked the cultural credibility to execute.

The second pillar is legal and advisory services. Maxine Shaw’s legal practice does not remain a solo operation — it becomes the institutional anchor of a Flavor Group legal advisory subsidiary focused on serving Black-owned businesses, entertainment clients, and creative professionals. The model here is not unlike what entertainment law firms built around the music and television industries of the 1990s and 2000s. Maxine’s Howard Law network provides the talent pipeline. The brand provides the client pipeline. The business generates revenue independent of the media operation while deepening the company’s institutional relationships across industries. The third pillar is real estate and facilities management. Under Overton’s direction, Flavor Group Properties becomes a systematic accumulator of commercial and residential real estate in gentrifying Brooklyn neighborhoods — Prospect Heights, Crown Heights, Bedford-Stuyvesant. The strategy is not speculative flipping. It is long-hold, income-producing property management that generates the stable cash flow required to fund the more volatile media operation during lean advertising cycles. The 1995-to-2010 window of Brooklyn real estate acquisition represents one of the most dramatic wealth-creation opportunities in modern American urban history. An institution that held even ten properties through that period with leverage appropriate to the cash flows would have emerged with a portfolio worth north of $30 million.

Kyle Barker’s Wall Street experience would have been decisive in assembling the capital stack, and not simply for its technical value. His credibility in institutional financial circles — rare for a Black professional in the mid-1990s — would have opened access to Small Business Administration lending, community development financial institution financing, and eventually the early-stage venture capital that began flowing into minority-owned media businesses following the success of companies like Black Entertainment Television and Essence Communications. A conservative five-year financial projection for Flavor Group Holdings, incorporating magazine advertising revenue of $2.5 million annually, property management income of $400,000 annually from a six-property portfolio, and legal advisory fees of $800,000 annually, would have produced aggregate revenue of approximately $18.5 million between 1995 and 2000. With disciplined reinvestment — consistent with the capital retention philosophy that separates institutional builders from lifestyle operators — that revenue base would have funded a real estate portfolio, a media technology transition, and a legal services expansion that by 2010 would have generated a company valued conservatively at $75 million to $120 million. For context, Essence Communications, a comparable Black women’s magazine brand, was acquired by Time Inc. in 2000 for a reported $170 million. Flavor Group Holdings, with its diversified revenue model and real estate holdings, would have been a more complex and arguably more defensible asset.

Much of the analysis of Black wealth destruction focuses on what was taken. Less attention is paid to what was structurally never built — and therefore never available to be taken or transmitted. A C-Corporation structure with six co-founders and a disciplined shareholder agreement would have accomplished several things that individual success cannot. It would have created a legal entity with perpetual existence, meaning the company survives the death, departure, or London relocation of any single founder. It would have created a mechanism for profit distribution and reinvestment insulated from any individual’s spending behavior. It would have established a board governance structure capable of recruiting outside expertise as the business scaled. And it would have created a transferable asset — something that could be sold, taken public, or bequeathed to the next generation.

Kyle’s decision to accept a job in London and Régine’s eventual departure to marry Dexter Knight are, in the television version of their lives, personal choices with only romantic consequences. In the Flavor Group Holdings scenario, they are governance events — managed by the shareholder agreement, addressed by the board, with equity buyout provisions and employment transition protocols already in place. The institution does not collapse when an individual leaves. That is the entire point of building one.

The argument for taking these characters seriously as institutional builders rather than television archetypes is not merely imaginative — it is instructive. The Living Single cast represented, with remarkable precision, the full professional profile required to build a durable Black enterprise: media, law, finance, brand, talent, and real property. These competencies are not accidental. They are the precise functions that every successful institutional structure requires. The lesson is not that Khadijah James should have been more ambitious. She was, by any measure, already ambitious. The lesson is that ambition without institutional structure dissipates with time, while institutional structure — even modest institutional structure — compounds. The S&P 500 teaches this principle in the financial markets. The same principle governs human capital and organizational design. There is a Flavor Group Holdings waiting to be built in every city where six talented Black professionals happen to share proximity, trust, and complementary skills. The brownstone is not metaphorical. The talent is not hypothetical. The only thing missing is the deliberate choice to convert a social network into an institutional one. Flavor magazine told its readers what was happening in the culture. Flavor Group Holdings would have told the culture what was possible. That is a different kind of editorial mission. And it is long overdue.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ClaudeAI.

The Institutional Imperative: Moving Beyond Individual Black Wealth Narratives

I would rather earn 1% off a 100 people’s efforts than 100% of my own efforts. – John D. Rockefeller

The contrast is stark and telling. On one screen, a promotional poster for a docuseries about Black wealth features accomplished individuals—entrepreneurs, entertainers, and personal finance influencers. On another, the Bloomberg Invest conference lineup showcases representatives from Goldman Sachs, BlackRock, sovereign wealth funds, and central banks. This visual juxtaposition reveals a fundamental problem in how African American wealth building is conceived, discussed, and ultimately constrained in America: we’re having an individual conversation while everyone else is having an institutional one.

When African American wealth is discussed in mainstream media and even within our own communities, the focus overwhelmingly centers on individual achievement and personal financial literacy. The narrative typically revolves around budgeting tips, entrepreneurship stories, side hustles, and the importance of “building your own.” While these elements certainly matter, they represent only a fraction of how wealth is actually created, preserved, and transferred across generations in America.

Compare this to how other communities approach wealth building. Bloomberg conferences don’t feature panels on how to save money or start a small business. Instead, they convene institutional investors managing trillions of dollars, central bankers who set monetary policy, executives from asset management firms overseeing pension funds, and sovereign wealth fund managers representing entire nations’ financial interests. The conversation isn’t about individual wealth accumulation it’s about institutional capital allocation, market infrastructure, regulatory frameworks, and systemic wealth generation. This isn’t merely a difference in scale; it’s a difference in kind. Individual wealth building, no matter how successful, operates within a system. Institutional wealth building shapes that system.

The economic implications of this gap are staggering. Consider the arithmetic presented in the text message exchange: if approximately 95% of African American debt is held by non-Black institutions, and that debt carries an average interest rate of 8%, African American households collectively transfer roughly $120 billion annually in interest payments to institutions that have no vested interest in Black wealth creation or community reinvestment. This figure isn’t just large it’s transformative. To put it in perspective, $120 billion annually exceeds the GDP of many nations. That likely at least 10% of African America’s $2.1 trillion in buying power is leaving the community for interest before a single bill is paid or single investment can be made. It represents capital that flows out of Black communities without generating corresponding wealth-building infrastructure within those communities. This is the cost of institutional absence.

When communities lack their own lending institutions, investment banks, insurance companies, and asset management firms, they become permanent capital exporters. Every mortgage payment, every car loan, every credit card balance becomes a wealth transfer rather than a wealth circulation mechanism. Other communities long ago recognized this dynamic and built institutional frameworks to capture, recycle, and multiply capital within their own ecosystems.

Institutional wealth building operates on fundamentally different principles than individual wealth accumulation. It involves capital pooling and deployment, where institutions aggregate capital from thousands or millions of sources and deploy it strategically for returns that benefit the collective. Pension funds, for instance, don’t teach their beneficiaries how to pick stocks they hire professional managers to generate returns that secure retirements for entire workforces. Large institutions don’t just participate in markets; they shape them. They influence interest rates, capital flows, regulatory frameworks, and investment trends. When BlackRock or Vanguard shifts their investment thesis, entire sectors respond.

Institutions are designed to outlive individuals. They create mechanisms for wealth transfer that transcend personal mortality, ensuring that capital accumulates across generations rather than dispersing with each estate. By pooling resources, institutions can absorb risks that would devastate individuals, enabling them to pursue longer-term, higher-return strategies that individuals cannot access. Perhaps most importantly, institutional capital commands political attention and shapes policy in ways that individual wealth, however substantial, simply cannot.

The current institutional deficit in African American communities isn’t accidental it’s the product of deliberate historical forces. During the early 20th century, Black communities did build impressive institutional infrastructure. Black Wall Street in Tulsa, thriving business districts in Rosewood, Florida, and numerous Black-owned banks, insurance companies, and investment firms represented genuine institutional wealth building. These were systematically destroyed sometimes literally, as in the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921, and sometimes through discriminatory policies, denial of business licenses, exclusion from capital markets, and targeted regulatory enforcement. The institutions that survived faced existential challenges during desegregation, as the most affluent Black customers gained access to white institutions that had previously excluded them. The result is that African Americans today face a unique challenge: rebuilding institutional infrastructure in a mature capitalist economy where the institutional landscape is already dominated by established players with centuries of accumulated capital, networks, and political influence.

Given this context, why does African American wealth discourse remain so focused on individual action? Several factors contribute to this pattern. American culture celebrates individual achievement and self-made success. This narrative is particularly seductive for African Americans seeking to overcome discrimination through personal excellence. However, it obscures the reality that most substantial wealth in America is institutional, not individual. Teaching people to budget or start a business is concrete and actionable. Discussing the need for African American-owned asset management firms managing hundreds of billions in capital is abstract and seemingly impossible for most people to influence. Individual success stories make compelling content. Institutional finance is complex, technical, and doesn’t generate the emotional engagement that drives social media metrics and television ratings.

Institutional finance is deliberately exclusionary, with high barriers to entry, specialized knowledge requirements, and established networks that are difficult to penetrate. This makes it harder for diverse voices to participate in and shape these conversations. Moreover, focusing on individual responsibility can deflect attention from systemic inequalities and the need for institutional reform. If wealth gaps are framed as the result of individual choices rather than institutional access, the solution becomes personal change rather than structural change.

The problem is that individual wealth building, while important, simply cannot close the wealth gap or address the capital hemorrhage happening through institutional absence. You cannot budget your way to institutional power. You cannot side-hustle your way to sovereign wealth fund influence. Closing the institutional gap would require coordinated action across multiple domains. This means growing and creating Black-owned banks, credit unions, insurance companies, asset management firms, and investment banks capable of competing at scale—institutions managing not millions but billions and eventually trillions in assets.

It requires ensuring that the substantial capital in public pension funds, university endowments, and foundation assets that serve African American communities is managed with intentionality about wealth creation within those communities. Building investment funds that can provide growth capital to Black-owned businesses beyond the startup phase, enabling them to scale to institutional size, becomes essential. Creating institutions that can acquire, develop, and manage commercial and residential real estate at scale, capturing appreciation and rental income for community benefit, must be prioritized. Developing institutional voices that can effectively advocate for policies that support Black wealth building, from community reinvestment requirements to procurement set-asides to tax structures that favor long-term capital formation, is critical.

This isn’t a call to abandon individual financial responsibility or entrepreneurship both remain important. Rather, it’s a recognition that these individual efforts need institutional infrastructure to support them, multiply their effects, and prevent the constant capital drain that currently undermines them. The Bloomberg conference model reveals what serious wealth building conversations look like among communities that already possess institutional power. The participants aren’t there to learn how to balance their personal checking accounts they’re there to discuss macroeconomic trends, regulatory changes, emerging markets, and trillion-dollar capital allocation decisions.

African American communities need forums that operate at the same level of institutional sophistication. This means convening the leaders of Black-owned financial institutions, pension fund managers, university endowment chiefs, foundation presidents, private equity partners, and policymakers to discuss not individual wealth tips but institutional strategy. It means asking questions like: How do we coordinate capital deployment across Black-owned financial institutions to maximize community impact? How do we leverage public pension fund capital to support Black wealth building without sacrificing returns? What regulatory changes would most effectively support Black institutional development? How do we build the pipeline of talent needed to manage billions in institutional capital?

The real challenge can be distilled into three interconnected imperatives: individually Black people must get wealthier, there must be an increase in Black institutional investing, and the overall wealth of Black people as a whole must increase. All three are important, yet the current discourse focuses almost exclusively on the first element while neglecting the second and third. The reality is that without institutional infrastructure, individual wealth gains will continue to leak out of the community rather than accumulating into collective wealth.

A fundamental truth that much of African American wealth discourse has yet to fully internalize is that wealth is created through institutions. There exists a critical misalignment between how wealth is actually built and how we talk about building it. We prioritize individual wealth accumulation without recognizing that the causality runs in the opposite direction—institutional infrastructure creates the conditions for sustainable individual and collective wealth building, not the other way around. We can celebrate individual achievement, teach financial literacy, promote entrepreneurship, and encourage personal responsibility all we want. But until African American communities build and control institutions that can pool capital, shape markets, influence policy, and deploy resources strategically across generations, the wealth gap will persist and likely widen.

A docuseries about successful individuals may be inspiring. But inspiration without infrastructure leads nowhere. Other communities learned this lesson generations ago (from us) and built accordingly. A critical question cuts to the heart of the matter: Who in these wealth-building conversations is representing an African American institution? When wealth dialogues feature only individuals representing themselves or individual brands rather than institutions representing collective capital and community interests, we’re having the wrong conversation at the wrong altitude.

It’s time for African American wealth conversations to graduate from the individual focus to the institutional imperative. The Bloomberg model isn’t just for other people it’s a template for how serious wealth building actually works. The question isn’t whether African Americans can produce individually wealthy people we’ve proven that repeatedly. The question is whether we can build the institutional infrastructure that turns individual success into collective, multigenerational wealth. That’s the conversation we should be having, and it needs to happen at the same level of sophistication and institutional focus that other communities take for granted. Until then, we’re simply rearranging deck chairs while hundreds of billions if not trillions flow out of our communities annually, enriching institutions that have no stake in our collective prosperity.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ClaudeAI.

Editorial Rerun – In Memoriam: The 100th Anniversary Of The Black Wall Street Massacre

First published on June 1, 2012 for the 91st anniversary of the Black Wall Street Massacre and a foreword from an article done by the Atlanta Black Star.

“The dollar circulated 36 to 100 times in this tight-knit community, according to sfbayview.com. A single dollar might have stayed in Tulsa for almost a year before leaving the Black community. Comparatively in modern times, a dollar can circulate in Asian communities for a month, Jewish communities for 20 days and white communities for 17, but it leaves the modern-day Black community in six hours, according to reports from the NAACP.”

By William A. Foster, IV

Remember that life is neither pain nor pleasure; it is serious business, to be entered upon with courage and in a spirit of self-sacrifice. – Alexis de Tocqueville

This is the first year I’ve had a chance to remember Black Wall Street on the very day that in a 12 hour battle a model community of American aspiration would be destroyed. It has always been at the heart of my economic and institutional development beliefs. I once railed on twitter that I wish Spike Lee would make the movie of Black Wall Street. Although, I dare say he’d run into even more problems than he did with Malcolm X. The threat of social and economic power coming to African America is much more frightful than one man.  I’ve even griped that my issues with Dr. Cornel West and his ilk  who want to speak “truth to power” is they ignore the model of the greatest moment in African America’s social and economic history as well as the very basis of how capitalism works. Our own fault for listening to a theology professor instead of our own economist. I always say there is “No Country for African American Economist” in the African American community. We’d rather speak to power than build our own. The story of Black Wall Street in Tulsa, OK is one of those moments where if we’d learn from history it would be worth repeating it. Instead, we’ll ignore our history to our own peril.

Many of us have a hard time imagining a place where African Americans owned and controlled as Mike House documents in his research “twenty-one restaurants, thirty grocery stores and two movie theaters, plus a hospital, a bank, a post office, libraries, schools, law offices, a half dozen private airplanes and even a bus system”. Just this economic power alone in one centralized place makes one realize how far we have fallen. Many of us simply see nominal gains in income and assume we have progressed. Not realizing that capitalism’s power and reward ultimately rest in the institutions you own and control.

I have tired of the marches. I have tired of the “leaders”. I have tired of the speeches. I have even tired of my own writings. I am tired of telling us we are poorer today than we were in 1921. I have tired of our dependency on liberal ideology that says wait for a government to do the right thing by us. The government does the right thing by those who have the economic means to grease it. We simply need to build communities that we control and own. We need to build institutions that we control and own in those communities. We need to build social, economic, and political partnerships with Africa just like every other group in this country has with its ancestral homeland which creates a global power. We then need to use that social and economic capital to influence the political system to protect our social and economic interest. This is what made Black Wall Street so powerful and why it ultimately had to be destroyed. They were on the verge of leveraging their influence into the political system which would have allowed them to control Oklahoma. Can you imagine that?

We have HBCU communities that already are built to become Black Wall Street reinvented. Over 100 of them. Less talking. More building.

For the entirety of the events of June 1, 1921 just click the date.

Editorial Rerun – In Memoriam: 95th Anniversary Of The Black Wall Street Massacre

First published on June 1, 2012 for the 91st anniversary of the Black Wall Street Massacre and a foreword from an article done by the Atlanta Black Star.

“The dollar circulated 36 to 100 times in this tight-knit community, according to sfbayview.com. A single dollar might have stayed in Tulsa for almost a year before leaving the Black community. Comparatively in modern times, a dollar can circulate in Asian communities for a month, Jewish communities for 20 days and white communities for 17, but it leaves the modern-day Black community in six hours, according to reports from the NAACP.”

By William A. Foster, IV

Remember that life is neither pain nor pleasure; it is serious business, to be entered upon with courage and in a spirit of self-sacrifice. – Alexis de Tocqueville

blackwallstreet2

This is the first year I’ve had a chance to remember Black Wall Street on the very day that in a 12 hour battle a model community of American aspiration would be destroyed. It has always been at the heart of my economic and institutional development beliefs. I once railed on twitter that I wish Spike Lee would make the movie of Black Wall Street. Although, I dare say he’d run into even more problems than he did with Malcolm X. The threat of social and economic power coming to African America is much more frightful than one man.  I’ve even griped that my issues with Dr. Cornel West and his ilk  who want to speak “truth to power” is they ignore the model of the greatest moment in African America’s social and economic history as well as the very basis of how capitalism works. Our own fault for listening to a theology professor instead of our own economist. I always say there is “No Country for African American Economist” in the African American community. We’d rather speak to power than build our own. The story of Black Wall Street in Tulsa, OK is one of those moments where if we’d learn from history it would be worth repeating it. Instead, we’ll ignore our history to our own peril.

maxresdefault

Many of us have a hard time imagining a place where African Americans owned and controlled as Mike House documents in his research “twenty-one restaurants, thirty grocery stores and two movie theaters, plus a hospital, a bank, a post office, libraries, schools, law offices, a half dozen private airplanes and even a bus system”. Just this economic power alone in one centralized place makes one realize how far we have fallen. Many of us simply see nominal gains in income and assume we have progressed. Not realizing that capitalism’s power and reward ultimately rest in the institutions you own and control.

Screen-Shot-2014-12-01-at-4.47.08-PM

I have tired of the marches. I have tired of the “leaders”. I have tired of the speeches. I have even tired of my own writings. I am tired of telling us we are poorer today than we were in 1921. I have tired of our dependency on liberal ideology that says wait for a government to do the right thing by us. The government does the right thing by those who have the economic means to grease it. We simply need to build communities that we control and own. We need to build institutions that we control and own in those communities. We need to build social, economic, and political partnerships with Africa just like every other group in this country has with its ancestral homeland which creates a global power. We then need to use that social and economic capital to influence the political system to protect our social and economic interest. This is what made Black Wall Street so powerful and why it ultimately had to be destroyed. They were on the verge of leveraging their influence into the political system which would have allowed them to control Oklahoma. Can you imagine that?

We have HBCU communities that already are built to become Black Wall Street reinvented. Over 100 of them. Less talking. More building.

For the entirety of the events of June 1, 1921 just click the date.

HBCU Money™ Business Book Feature – Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921

483891

When a crows began to gather outside the jail in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on the evening of May 31, 1921., the fate of one of its prisoners, a young black male, seemed assured. Accused of attempting to rape a white woman, Dick Rowland was with little doubt about to be lynched.

But in another part of town, a small group of black men, many of them World War I veterans, decided to risk lives for a different vision of justice. Before it was all over, Tulsa had erupted into one of America’s worst racial nightmares, leaving scores dead and hundreds of homes and businesses destroyed.

Exhaustively researched, ‘Death in a Promised Land’ is compelling story of racial ideologies, southwestern politics, and yellow journalism, and of an embattled black community’s struggle to hold onto its land and freedom. More than just the chronicle of one of the nation’s most devastating race riots, this critically acclaimed study of American race relations is, above all, a gripping story of terror and lawlessness, and of courage, hedonism, and human perserverance.