Tag Archives: black farmers

The Five Evergreen Acres: A Land Investment Framework for Every Stage of African American Life

Land is the only thing in the world that amounts to anything, for it’s the only thing in this world that lasts. It’s the only thing worth working for, worth fighting for… – Ted Turner

Raw land is among the oldest and most durable asset classes available to private investors. For the HBCU community — individuals, families, alumni associations, and institutional partners — it is also among the most underutilized.

There is a social media post circulating in land investment circles that reads simply: “Forget the luck of the Irish. We prefer the certainty of a deed.” Beneath that caption sits a framework titled “5 Evergreen Land Staples” — timberland, pastureland, recreational property, waterfront land, and prime agricultural ground — each chosen for the same fundamental quality: enduring income or appreciation that does not require the daily volatility management of equities or the tenant fragility of residential real estate. The post is from Land.com, a mainstream marketplace catering primarily to rural landowners. The audience it implicitly addresses is white, rural, and generationally landed. Yet the analytical framework it articulates is precisely what the African American institutional ecosystem needs to operationalize and the HBCU community, with its networks of graduates, alumni chapters, and anchor institutions spread across the American South and beyond, is uniquely positioned to execute it at scale.

The stakes are not trivial. As the Federation of Southern Cooperatives Land Assistance Fund has documented, African Americans own less than 1% of all privately owned rural land in the United States. That figure represents one of the most consequential economic collapses in modern American history, a loss that accelerated across the 20th century through discriminatory lending, heirs’ property dispossession, and the systematic exclusion of Black farmers from federal agricultural credit systems. Between 1910 and 2020, African American land ownership fell by roughly 90%, from an estimated 15–16 million acres to less than 2 million today. Reversing even a fraction of that trajectory requires not only individual decision-making but coordinated institutional action. This article maps a practical framework anchored in the five evergreen land categories for how African Americans at every life stage, and HBCU-affiliated institutions at every organizational level, can begin to build durable land portfolios through structures that keep capital inside the ecosystem.

Before addressing who should invest and how, it is worth establishing why the five categories on that social media post represent genuinely strategic holdings rather than speculative fashions. Timberland is distinctive because its primary asset — standing timber — continues growing in value as long as it stands. As one institutional investor noted at the 2009 Timberland Investment World Summit, timber was the only major asset class not to decline during the Great Recession: “As long as the sun is shining trees will grow and your timber’s value will increase.” For long-horizon investors, which includes endowments, alumni foundations, and family trusts, timberland offers inflation protection, biological growth as a return mechanism, and periodic harvest income that can be timed to liquidity needs. Pastureland generates recurring lease income from ranchers and livestock operators with relatively low management overhead, while the underlying land appreciates over time and the lessee carries operational risk. For a first-generation land investor or a young family with limited bandwidth for active management, a leased pasture parcel generates cash flow from day one. Recreational property, including hunting and fishing grounds, has benefited from the structural shift toward experiential consumption, outdoor recreation spending in the United States now exceeds $780 billion annually and the demand for private access through leased hunting rights or short-term rentals has made rural recreational parcels a viable income source even at modest scale. Waterfront land commands a persistent scarcity premium, as lakefront, riverfront, and coastal parcels face an absolute supply constraint that no amount of construction can remedy, with appreciation rates for quality holdings historically outpacing inland equivalents by substantial margins. Prime agricultural land, the fifth category, combines appreciation and income in proportions that no other asset class consistently replicates, with farmland producing positive real returns in nearly every decade since World War II while the growing global demand for food production adds a structural tailwind that shows no sign of abating.

For the African American individual investor, particularly recent HBCU graduates entering the workforce, raw land is rarely the first investment that financial advisors recommend. Equities, retirement accounts, and residential real estate occupy the conventional hierarchy. This is understandable but strategically incomplete. Raw land, particularly rural parcels in the 10–100 acre range, is far more accessible in price terms than most urban professionals realize. In many parts of the rural South and Midwest, quality pastureland or timberland can be acquired for $1,500–$4,000 per acre, meaning a 20-acre parcel may require a down payment comparable to what urban renters spend in twelve months on housing. The critical discipline for individual investors is to treat the first land acquisition not as a lifestyle purchase but as a strategic asset. A 20-acre timberland parcel generates modest income while the timber matures but builds balance sheet equity that can later be pledged as collateral for subsequent acquisitions, a mechanism that generationally landed families have used for centuries. The key to making this work is choosing land that produces some income immediately, whether through a hunting lease, a hay-cutting arrangement, or a grazing license, so that carrying costs do not exceed cash flow while long-term appreciation accrues. Structurally, individuals should acquire rural land through a single-member LLC rather than in personal name, for both liability protection and eventual transfer efficiency. The LLC structure also allows for the clean addition of family members as equity holders over time, laying the legal groundwork for the next stage of ownership.

A young family with children faces a different calculus than a single investor. The time horizon extends to 30 or 40 years, the need for tax-efficient transfer becomes relevant, and the question of heirs’ property known as the informal, undivided ownership arrangement that has caused the dispossession of millions of acres of Black-owned land must be proactively addressed from the first deed. Heirs’ property arrangements leave undivided interests in land vulnerable to partition sales, through which any one heir can force a sale often to outside buyers at below-market prices. A young family acquiring land today should structure the purchase inside a family LLC or land trust from inception, with a clear operating agreement specifying decision-making rights, buyout provisions, and management authority. This structural discipline costs several hundred dollars in legal fees at formation but eliminates the single greatest mechanism by which Black-owned land has historically been lost. For young families, pastureland and prime agricultural ground are the most suitable of the five categories. Leased to a working farmer on an annual or multi-year cash rent arrangement, these parcels generate predictable income typically $100–$300 per acre annually in productive regions while the family’s equity compounds. Agricultural land near HBCUs, particularly the 1890 land-grant institutions with active extension programs, offers an additional advantage: the university’s agronomic and soil science resources can improve the land’s productivity and rental value over time, particularly where a formal university-farmer partnership exists.

For African American households in the wealth-accumulation or pre-retirement phase, typically those between 45 and 65 with existing equity in residential real estate or retirement accounts, raw land fills a specific portfolio gap. It provides non-correlated returns, inflation protection, and estate planning flexibility that equity-heavy portfolios lack. At this stage, the five-category framework can be pursued more deliberately. Waterfront land and timberland, which require longer holding periods to realize full appreciation, are most appropriate for mature investors who do not need near-term liquidity. A modest timber holding, held for 20 years through a managed investment timberland organization, can produce both periodic harvest income and terminal land value appreciation that substantially outpaces a bond portfolio over the same horizon. Conservation easements on qualifying land parcels offer an additional mechanism: by granting a qualified land trust a permanent easement that restricts development, the landowner receives a federal income tax deduction equal to the value of the development rights surrendered, a tool that high-income African American professionals have underutilized relative to white rural landowners who have deployed it extensively. This is also the stage at which entry into private Real Estate Investment Trust structures becomes viable. A private REIT organized around agricultural or timberland holdings allows a group of accredited investors like friends, family members, or professional associates to pool capital into a formal investment vehicle with a shared land portfolio, professional management, and pass-through tax treatment. Unlike publicly traded REITs, a private land REIT can be sized for a community of 10–50 investors, managed by a professional trustee, and built specifically around the five evergreen categories. The formation cost is meaningful but amortizes quickly across the investor pool, and the structure creates a formal institutional container for what would otherwise remain fragmented individual decisions.

Not every land investment begins with a formal institutional structure. Some of the most durable private wealth in America was built by small groups of trusted individuals such as former college roommates, fraternity and sorority members, professional cohort peers who pooled capital informally before any institution took notice. For the HBCU community, this peer-to-peer investment model is both historically familiar and structurally underdeployed. A group of five former classmates, each contributing $10,000, creates a $50,000 acquisition fund. In rural land markets across the South, that capital is sufficient to purchase 15–30 acres of quality pastureland or recreational property with room for closing costs and an operating reserve. The land is titled inside a jointly owned LLC, the operating agreement governs decision-making and buyout rights, and the group begins building a shared balance sheet that none of them could have assembled individually on the same timeline. The social infrastructure already exists. HBCU alumni networks are among the most tight-knit in American higher education, and the bonds forged between classmates across Greek organizations, residence halls, student government, and athletic programs carry the relational trust that small investment partnerships require above all else. What is missing is not the social capital but the financial framework to convert it into land equity. The practical steps are straightforward: the group agrees on an investment policy covering land category, geographic focus, minimum hold period, and income distribution schedule; forms an LLC with an operating agreement drafted by a real estate attorney; designates a managing member responsible for vendor relationships, lease management, and annual reporting; and commits to a first acquisition within a defined timeframe, preventing the initiative from dissolving into indefinite planning. Over time, these peer land partnerships can grow through reinvested income, additional capital calls, and the addition of new members at formally appraised entry valuations. A group that begins with five classmates and 25 acres can, within a decade of disciplined reinvestment, hold a diversified portfolio spanning multiple land categories across several states anchored not by institutional mandate but by the simple decision of like-minded people to build something together.

HBCU alumni associations sit at the intersection of institutional loyalty and latent investment capital. Most chapters hold reserve funds that have been accumulated through dues, fundraising, and event revenue that are parked in bank accounts earning negligible interest. Very few chapters have formalized investment policies, and this represents one of the most tractable missed opportunities in the HBCU ecosystem. An alumni chapter with $200,000 in reserves can, with proper legal structuring, become a founding limited partner in a private land REIT or a land investment LLC alongside other chapters. Five chapters pooling $200,000 each creates a $1 million acquisition fund capable of purchasing 250–500 acres of quality pastureland, timberland, or agricultural ground in rural markets adjacent to HBCUs. That land, leased and managed professionally, generates annual income that returns to the chapters while the underlying asset appreciates. Over a 15-year horizon, the portfolio can be refinanced to fund new acquisitions replicating the leverage cycle that institutional endowments have used with alternative assets for decades. The governance structure matters enormously. An alumni land partnership should be organized as a limited partnership or private REIT with an independent general partner or trustee, clear investment policy statements, annual audited financial statements, and a defined liquidity event horizon. The informality that characterizes most alumni chapter finances is incompatible with institutional land ownership at scale. But with proper structuring, the alumni network becomes what it has always had the potential to be: a distributed institutional investor class with shared objectives and collective bargaining power. Nationally coordinated alumni associations, the general alumni bodies of the major HBCU systems, are positioned to act at an even larger scale. A national alumni association with 50,000 dues-paying members and a modest per-member investment program could capitalize a seven-figure land acquisition fund within a single fiscal year. Structured as a private REIT with a land-grant mission overlay, specifically acquiring land adjacent to 1890 HBCU campuses or in counties with high concentrations of African American agricultural heritage, such a fund would generate financial returns while simultaneously reinforcing the geographic and economic footprint of the institutions themselves.

The structure of land acquisition matters as much as the acquisition itself, and for the African American investor at every level — individual, family, peer partnership, or alumni association — the financing institution is a strategic choice, not merely a transactional convenience. African American-owned banks hold just $6.4 billion in assets, while African American credit unions hold $8.2 billion, meaning these institutions together control less than $15 billion in combined lending capacity despite serving a market of more than 40 million people — insufficient to exert meaningful influence in national credit markets without deliberate capital infusion from within the community itself. When an African American investor finances a land purchase through a Black-owned bank or credit union rather than a mainstream white-owned lender, the mortgage deposit strengthens that institution’s liquidity ratio, expands its lending capacity through fractional reserve multiplication, and keeps the interest income circulating within the ecosystem rather than exiting to a Wall Street balance sheet. Every dollar deposited into an African American financial institution can translate into multiples of additional lending capacity once multiplied through the banking system — meaning that the collective financing decisions of HBCU alumni and community investors are not merely personal financial choices but acts of institutional capitalization. A community that builds land equity through Black-owned financial institutions simultaneously strengthens two pillars of its economic architecture: the land base that generates long-term wealth and the banking infrastructure that finances the next generation of acquisition.

At the institutional tier, the strategic imperative is even more pronounced. As of 2014, Tuskegee University controlled approximately 5,000 acres, ranking 12th among all American colleges in total land holdings, while Alabama A&M (2,300 acres), Alcorn State (1,756 acres), Prairie View A&M (1,502 acres), Kentucky State (915 acres), and Southern University (884 acres) collectively controlled more than 12,000 acres, placing all six among the top 100 college landowners in the United States. Those figures have not been comprehensively updated in the intervening decade, and the actual current land position of these institutions accounting for acquisitions, dispositions, and reclassifications likely differs. What has not changed is the strategic imperative to treat that land base as a productive investment asset rather than passive institutional real estate. A coordinated commitment of $1 million from each of the nineteen 1890 land-grant HBCUs would create a $19 million revolving fund capable, through its placement in African American banks and credit unions, of generating $7–$10 in agricultural lending capacity for every dollar committed financing not just land acquisition but the full productive cycle of African American farming. That mechanism addresses credit access. The complementary challenge is equity accumulation: deploying HBCU endowment capital, alongside alumni and friends’ capital, into the five evergreen land categories through a structured private REIT. An HBCU-anchored land REIT, capitalized with institutional endowment commitments as the senior tranche and alumni association and individual investor capital as subordinate tranches, would create a properly tiered investment structure with aligned incentives. The endowment’s priority return on its senior capital is protected; alumni investors participate in the upside above that hurdle; and the land itself remains in community-aligned ownership regardless of which investor class holds primacy at any given moment. Over time, the REIT’s land holdings can be diversified across all five evergreen categories — timberland for long-horizon appreciation, pastureland and agricultural ground for current income, waterfront parcels for high-appreciation positioning, and recreational property for near-term income generation — creating a portfolio whose income streams are non-correlated and whose asset values compound independently of equity market cycles.

The five evergreen land categories are individually sound investment ideas. Their strategic power for the HBCU community, however, lies not in isolated individual transactions but in the construction of a layered, coordinated ecosystem from the 22-year-old HBCU graduate purchasing her first 20-acre pasture parcel in Alabama, to the alumni chapter launching a multi-state agricultural REIT, to the 1890 HBCUs deploying endowment capital as the institutional anchor of a Black-managed timberland fund. At the most fundamental level, virtually every economic system man has ever created relies on one undeniable truth: whoever controls the land controls the system. The African American institutional ecosystem has the networks, the talent, and increasingly the structured financial vehicles to re-enter land ownership at meaningful scale. What it requires now is the strategic coordination to treat land not as a nostalgic aspiration but as a compounding institutional asset — one deed, one acre, one fund at a time.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ClaudeAI.

How the Government Helped White Americans Steal Black Farmland – And Why 1890 HBCUs Are Partially To Blame

Every good citizen makes his country’s honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious but as sacred. He is willing to risk his life in its defense and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it. – Andrew Jackson

Ukraine has been preparing for years for the eventual invasion that would come from Russia. It has been so even prior to Russia’s invasion and capture of Crimea in 2014. Why? Ukraine’s intelligence for one, President Vladamir Putin’s writings that expressed sentiment that the breakup of the Soviet Union was a great tragedy of the 20th century, Russia’s 2008 invasion of Georgia, and because well that is WHO Russia is and has shown itself to be. It would have been more of a shock were Ukraine to act shocked at Russia invading more than Russia invading. Put another way, if Ike Turner slapped someone and they were surprised, who is crazier – them or Ike Turner?

This seems to be African America always when it comes to European America though. Constantly surprised by consistent behavior. Harlem, Houston’s Third Ward, New Orleans, Compton, Roxbury, so on and so forth. What do all of these have in common? They were once thriving African American strongholds until gentrification. Each time the gentrification wave came, African Americans in those communities were caught off guard, unable and unprepared to launch a counterattack (or offensive).

In a recent article by The New Republic titled, “How the Government Helped White Americans Steal Black Farmland”, in detailed fashion we learned about one of the most vital departments of any country, agriculture, which impacts land, development, life expectancy, water and mineral rights, and so much more was used by the U.S. government through the USDA to spearhead the wealth transfer of African American farmland into European America’s hands. “Black farmers not only lost out on these massive subsidies—they have been effectively disenfranchised within the modern agricultural system. Under conditions of savage oppression, Black families emerged in the early 1900s with almost 20 million acres of farmland and “the largest amount of property they would ever own within the United States,” according to the historian Manning Marable. Since then, they have lost roughly 90 percent of that acreage” says New Republic. According to New Republic, there will be a study put out soon by the American Economic Association’s Papers and Proceedings journal that will value the land lost between 1920 and 1997 at approximately $326 billion. An amount that is equal to over 20 percent of African America’s $1.6 trillion buying power. The $326 billion valuation excludes the 160 million acres that Africa Americans who were enslaved were owed post Civil War from Special Order No. 15 that guaranteed the former enslaved population of around 4 million 40 acres apiece, but was reneged upon by the U.S. government ultimately making the loss arguably worth trillions today. Yes, trillions. The economic loss has had catastrophic social, economic, and political echoing impacts for generations. “Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis of all independence. Land is the basis of freedom, justice, and equality”, Malcolm X said. This alluded to the belief that every revolution was and is about land given that it impacts everything that lays to bear on any group, community, country, and diaspora. African American institutions, especially those focused on agriculture, should have made the protection of African American land a strategic priority.

Enter the 1890 HBCUs, which were created with the Second Morrill Act of 1890. There were 19 HBCUs created under this act (and two HBCUs which were created under the First Morrill Act of 1862, which primarily created HWCU agriculturally focused colleges and universities). For all intents and purpose, 1862 and 1890 colleges and universities were created with an emphasis on agriculture. Tuskegee, through the political clout of Booker T. Washington, is the only private HBCU that has land-grant status. The other two private universities that are land-grant institutions are Cornell and MIT. Among the 1890 HBCUs, they have three of the six HBCU law schools housed at Florida A&M University, Southern University System, and University of the District of the Columbia. Despite this, based on their websites none of three have any focus/concentration on agricultural law. This means that more than likely African American farmers and landowners are in the hands of lawyers who are both non-African American and trained at an HWCU/PWI institution. Given historical behavior, it is not hard to assume that those lawyers do not work in the best interest of our community. It also once again poses the question of the lack of strategy among African America at using its institutions to protect its social, economic, and political interest. Stemming the tide requires a change in HBCU strategy and realizing the purpose of our institutions is to serve and protect the other parts of the African American ecosystem.

There are a few pointed pivots that 1890 HBCUs can do to serve and protect the agricultural interest of African America. First, the three 1890 law schools (FAMU, SUS, and UDC) can create an African American agriculture concentration in their law schools. Again, to be clear, an African American agriculture concentration is not the same as general agriculture, which tends to be from a Eurocentric perspective. Focusing on agricultural law from the African American agricultural perspective and interest is paramount. Secondly, the three 1890 law schools can create a joint organization for African American Agriculture Defense Fund that will serve as a means to fund law defense for African American farmers, lobbying efforts towards African American agriculture, and regional African American agriculture legal research. Thirdly, all of the 1890 HBCUs needs to create master’s programs in agricultural law and policy focused on their respective local, state, and regional geographies. They can then push for alumni to create scholarships that will allow for a pipeline of agriculture majors to pursue law degrees at the three 1890 HBCU law schools. Lastly (but not all), a concerted emphasis on offering courses, lectures, and seminars on the purchase and maintenance of African American land ownership emphasized to students and alumni and available to our entire community.

If HBCUs are not going to be part of the institutional ecosystem built to serve and protect African American interest, then what is their purpose? Without protecting African American land, what little is left of it, then what is to come of African America? Protecting African American land takes more than just HBCUs, it also requires African American owned financial institutions, real estate organizations, families, communities, and more. However, 1890 HBCUs must take the vanguard and protect what we have so that we can start to stem the tide and move the trend upward again. The notion that land theft and assaults have been happening to African America for 100 years and we still have yet to respond with a counterattack or an offensive of our own is telling. HBCUs also are becoming more and more vulnerable to their land and the communities they are in, which are typically African American, being gentrified and the use of predatory land theft and assaults heightened. Howard University, Prairie View A&M University, and Texas Southern University all are witnessing land theft and assaults on the land surrounding their institutions. Unfortunately, there was and continues to be no unified strategic planning to protect them. In Howard University’s case, white residents have even been so gall as to suggest that the school be moved. This is just one example of over a century of attitudes that have helped lead to others justifying land assaults on African American landownership. We know who are our enemies are, we have the intelligence and tools, now is the time to start urgently preparing our troops to defend our lands.

HBCU Money Presents: 2017’s African American Farmers Report

The state of African American farms continues to be a vital component to the African American economy, this despite investment and participation in it on a downward trend. We are highlighting key findings from the 2017 USDA Agriculture Census with 2012 comparison in parentheses where available.

Number of Farms: 35,470 (36,382)

Land in farms (acres): 4,673,140 (4,563,805)

Average size of farm (acres): 132 (125)

Market Value of products sold: $1,416,256,000 ($1,311,6332,000)

Market Value of crops sold: $857,698,000

Market value of livestock, poultry, & products: $558,558,000

Government payments: $58,807,000 (60,731,000)

Average Per Farm Receiving Payments: $7,108 ($5,509)

69 Percent of African American Farms are between 10-180 acres

4 Percent of African American Farms are over 500 acres

43 percent of African American farmers are over the age of 65

5 percent of African American farmers are under the age of 35

 

America’s Farms: African American Women Principal Operators Increase, But Not Enough

By William A. Foster, IV

Farming looks mighty easy when your plow is a pencil, and you’re a thousand miles from the corn field. – President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

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Typically, I abhor the term people of color, women of color, men of color, and well you get the idea. It lumps a bunch of different groups – and more importantly their interest – into this false sense of PoC (us) versus the evil Europeans (them). Diaspora groups of all ancestry have vied for resources against each other for thousands of years. People of color have waged wars against each other well before Europeans ascended to the top of the power pile over the past thousand or so years. However, in this case there actually is a stark trend developing between women of color and women of European descent and it is going to impact America’s food plates in livings rooms and restaurants across the country and around the world. 

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Men lie, women lie, and sometimes numbers can be misleading. A look at the state of women principal operators from 2007 to 2012 in the latest USDA Agricultural Census would suggest that their is an crisis in farming among women. In 2007, there were 306 209 women principal operators, but as of 2012 there was a reported 288 264 or a drop of almost 6 percent. However, this is where the numbers are a bit misleading. African, Asian, Latina, and Native American women all saw increases in their women principal operators of 4.5 percent, 32.8 percent, 19.4 percent, and 13 percent, respectively. European American women principal operators saw a drop of 7 percent and despite the drop in their ranks they still constitute 93 percent of all women principal operators. In other words, women of color just do not constitute a large enough of the farming population to move the needle – yet. In a generation however, their importance to the health of the communities they represent could have echoing effects on economic and political power going forward.

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In an article from the LSU Agriculture Center they reported, “There are 239 counties in the U.S. where at least a quarter of the population receives food stamps. In over 750 counties, SNAP is helping to feed one-third of African Americans.” Just for clarity there are 3 141 counties in the United States according to the United States Geological Survey. Part of the problem is that still in our community it remains difficult to access quality food at an affordable price. This is especially important given our lack of institutional wealth (see decline in African American land ownership) has resulted in our tendency towards unhealthy foods and being able to predominantly afford sugar and salt laden products that fill us, but damages our quality of health or health capital in the long-term. Quality of life naturally impacts an ability to earn a living and for how long, being engaged in civic discourse, and be an active primer in the social molding of family and community.  The CDC reports that almost 15 percent of African Americans are in poor health. Even more disturbing is the African American obesity rate, which for African American men over 20 is 37.9 percent and for African American women over 20 is an astounding 57.6 percent. Lastly, hypertension among African American men over 20 is at 40 percent and women over 20 is at almost 50 percent just to further drive the health point home. Given the importance of African American women to the economics of African American households (African America is the only group where the women outnumber the men in employment) their long-term health both in relation to their ability to work and birth healthy children is paramount to the community. There is also the anthropological assumption that since women have long been the leadership of nutrition in all households that they have a significant psychological vested interest in improving the quality of food to their families if given the means to do so. Having more African American women engaged in the production of the food at the beginning could lead to a significant change in the eating habits of the entire community at the end of the value chain.

The question then is how can we build upon numbers for African American women farmers and understanding its importance to the African American family and community. As it is, if current trends hold, Asian American women will outnumber African American women as principal operators within ten years. The answer could lay in a private-pubic approach between 1890 HBCUs and existing African American owned agricultural businesses. Each 1890 HBCU, the 20 HBCU schools excluding West Virginia State University because of demographics, through the Association of Public Land-Grant Universities could add to its list of initiatives a means of engaging young girls about the agricultural and farming process. Private HBCU owned companies that are involved in farming like Chestnut Hollow Farms, LLC run by Norfolk State University alum Harold Blackwell would add the private component with 1890 HBCUs to especially target girls and introduce them to help them understand the business side of farming.

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Health is wealth, but unfortunately our health is not in our own hands and especially not in the hands of our nurturers beyond the preparation of it at the end of the value chain. Sometimes it is intangibles or the qualitative factors that can not be measured (peppered with quantitative data) that can be the key to changing our behavior from the farm to the plate where African American women innately are filled with data from generations of their mothers and grandmothers stories. It is true, there is nothing quite like a woman’s touch and that may be the very thing that brings African American owned farm back to prominence.

HBCU Money™ Histronomics: 1920 Agricultural Census Of Colored Farms & Land Ownership

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HIGHLIGHTS

  • Total American Farm Acres in 1920 – 956 million acres
  • Economic value of Total American Farm Acres – $66 billion
  • Total Colored Acres in 1920 – 45 million acres
  • Economic value of Total Colored Farm Acres – $2.5 billion
  • % of Total Farm Land Owned by Colored in 1920 – 4.7%
  • Average Colored Farm Acreage in 1920 – 47.3 acres
  • Average Economic Value of African American Farms in 1920 – $2 063

*Colored in the census encompasses African, Native, Japanese, and Chinese Americans. African Americans comprised 97.5% of the colored farm operators in 1920.

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