Tag Archives: racial wealth gap

Cultural Triumph, Institutional Fragility, Financial Violence: Uncle Nearest and the Case for Black-Owned Banks

“Financial violence has always been America’s quietest weapon and when African America builds without its own banks, it builds on sand.” – HBCU Money

The announcement that Farm Credit Mid-America, a Kentucky cooperative lender, had placed Uncle Nearest and its affiliated companies under federal receivership has shaken both the whiskey industry and African American business circles. The suit, seeking repayment of more than $108 million in loans, highlights not only the fragility of high-growth consumer brands but also a longstanding structural reality: the absence of large, African American-owned financial institutions that could have acted as lender, partner, and safeguard. At its height, Uncle Nearest was not just a spirits company. It had become a cultural symbol, a multimillion-dollar brand built on the rediscovered story of Nathan “Nearest” Green, the enslaved man who taught Jack Daniel to distill. But symbols are poor substitutes for capital. When the credit cycle turns and lenders impose stricter terms, symbols do not pay creditors, nor do they provide the liquidity needed to weather missteps. Uncle Nearest’s fate is therefore not only a corporate matter but a macro-lesson in institutional gaps that continue to undermine African American economic power. And it is inseparable from a longer history of European Americans wielding financial violence to weaken or erase African American institutions.

Farm Credit Mid-America’s complaint is straightforward in legal framing but heavy in consequence. It alleges default on revolving and term loans, misuse of proceeds—including purchase of a Martha’s Vineyard property outside agreed-upon terms—and inflated valuations of whiskey barrel inventories pledged as collateral. The cooperative insists the company failed to provide accurate financial reporting and violated covenants on net worth and liquidity. For the court, these alleged breaches justified appointing a receiver to oversee Uncle Nearest’s assets. For the wider market, the case raises questions about how one of the fastest-growing American whiskey brands could become so overextended in such a short time. But to view this only through the narrow lens of corporate mismanagement is to miss the structural point. Uncle Nearest turned to Farm Credit Mid-America precisely because African America has no equivalent institution at scale. The problem is not just a troubled borrower but a financial architecture in which African Americans must seek credit from institutions historically aligned against them.

European Americans have long recognized that domination requires more than guns and laws—it requires control of finance. Throughout American history, financial violence has been deployed to cripple African American economic advancement. The Freedman’s Savings Bank collapse in 1874 wiped out the life savings of formerly enslaved depositors, and the federal government refused to fully compensate them, teaching African Americans early that their deposits could be sacrificed without recourse. In the 20th century, European American banks and the federal government codified racial exclusion through redlining maps, systematically denying mortgages in Black neighborhoods. This was not neutral finance; it was engineered financial violence, preventing African Americans from entering the homeownership wealth pipeline. The burning of Greenwood in Tulsa in 1921, often remembered as a physical massacre, was also a financial one. Banks, insurance companies, and credit lines were destroyed alongside homes and businesses. Without access to capital, Greenwood could never fully rebuild. In more recent times, financial violence has taken the form of predatory lending. Subprime mortgage products were disproportionately pushed onto African American homeowners before the 2008 financial crisis, wiping out a generation of household wealth. European American-controlled finance profits from African American participation in the economy while denying equal access to capital formation. Uncle Nearest’s entanglement with Farm Credit Mid-America is not an anomaly but a continuation. When European American-controlled institutions are the gatekeepers of capital, they wield the power not only to finance but also to foreclose, to empower but also to erase.

The Uncle Nearest saga is a case study in how celebrated success stories often obscure fragile foundations. For nearly a decade, business media and cultural outlets heralded the brand as a triumph of African American entrepreneurship. The company claimed exponential growth, distribution in all 50 states, and a flagship distillery that drew tourists. Yet financial statements were rarely disclosed, and profitability was never the focus. The enthusiasm reflected a broader dynamic: African American brands often become cultural darlings before they become financially resilient. Without deep ties to institutional lenders within their own community, they must rely on external credit relationships that can sour quickly. When this happens, the story moves from triumph to turmoil in a matter of months.

At the core of this episode lies a more sobering truth. African American households control nearly $1.7 trillion in annual spending power, but African American-owned financial institutions hold less than 0.5% of U.S. banking assets. The top African American-owned bank has under $1 billion in assets; Farm Credit Mid-America, the plaintiff in the Uncle Nearest case, controls more than $25 billion. This mismatch leaves African American entrepreneurs, even those with national brands, dependent on institutions whose strategic priorities do not necessarily align with sustaining African American economic power. When defaults arise, the lender’s duty is to recover capital—not to protect the cultural or institutional significance of the borrower. European American-controlled finance, then, becomes not merely a neutral system but an instrument of selective gatekeeping. It funds African American brands when profitable, then withdraws and seizes control when convenient, replicating patterns of dispossession stretching back centuries.

Receivership is not always terminal. In many instances, companies emerge leaner and restructured. A skilled receiver may stabilize operations, preserve brand value, and even attract new capital. But for Uncle Nearest, the optics are punishing. A brand that marketed authenticity, resilience, and cultural restoration is now under external control. From an institutional perspective, the more important lesson is this: receivership often transfers control of assets from founders to outsiders. In this case, the intellectual property, inventory, and brand narrative of Uncle Nearest may ultimately end up in the hands of a major spirits conglomerate. The cultural capital painstakingly built could be monetized by global firms with no obligation to the communities that celebrated the brand’s rise.

This is hardly a new pattern. African American economic history is dotted with enterprises that gained cultural significance but lacked the institutional scaffolding to survive financial storms. From insurance firms in the early 20th century to radio stations in the late 20th century, the cycle repeats: individual success, rapid expansion, external borrowing, crisis, foreclosure, and eventual transfer of ownership. The absence of African American-controlled capital at scale explains why these cycles recur. Wealth is preserved and multiplied not through consumption but through financial intermediation like banks, insurers, investment funds, and cooperatives. Without these, individual businesses operate in a structurally hostile financial environment, an environment designed and maintained by European American interests.

The Uncle Nearest case illustrates several lessons that extend beyond whiskey or even consumer goods. Growth without institutional capital is fragile; rapid expansion must be supported by lenders whose incentives align with the borrower’s long-term survival. Transparency is essential; overstated inventory, inflated collateral, or vague reporting create vulnerabilities. Community lenders could impose discipline while understanding cultural context. Symbols cannot substitute for structures; a brand can inspire, but only institutions preserve value across generations. And perhaps most importantly, financial violence must be anticipated. Entrepreneurs cannot treat European American-controlled capital as neutral. It must be engaged with caution, hedged against, and ultimately replaced by African American-owned capital.

If African American entrepreneurs are to avoid similar fates, the ecosystem must address the capital gap at its root. That means building financial institutions with assets measured not in millions but in tens of billions. Institutional investments by profitable African American owned corporations and high net-worth African Americans of existing African American banks could create scale and efficiency. Other institutional investment vehicles such as real estate investment trusts, private credit funds, and venture platforms controlled by African American institutions could channel capital into businesses without reliance on external lenders. Partnership with HBCUs could pool university endowments, serving as anchor investors for community-controlled funds. These strategies require not just capital but governance discipline. Failed experiments in the past show that poorly managed institutions can collapse under their own weight. The challenge is to combine professional financial management with community accountability.

Internationally, minority communities have built financial ecosystems as buffers against exclusion. In South Korea, family-owned conglomerates leveraged domestic banks to grow global brands like Samsung and Hyundai. In Israel, tight networks of banks, state funding, and venture capital built the foundation for a high-tech economy. African American institutions remain far from achieving comparable coordination. Philanthropic donations, though celebrated, often flow into consumption or temporary relief rather than capital formation. Until African American institutions master the art of financial intermediation, the cycle of celebrated rise and sudden vulnerability will continue.

Uncle Nearest’s predicament carries symbolic weight precisely because the brand itself was constructed around reclaiming lost African American contributions. Nathan “Nearest” Green’s story gave the company authenticity, and Fawn Weaver’s stewardship turned it into a case study of cultural entrepreneurship. But culture without capital is precarious. If the brand is ultimately sold or absorbed into a global portfolio, the irony will be stark: once again, the African American contribution will be remembered, but the financial returns will flow elsewhere. This pattern mirrors the broader reality of African American culture in America—ubiquitous in influence, marginal in ownership.

What would a different outcome look like? Imagine a scenario where an African American-owned financial cooperative, with $20 billion in assets, had been Uncle Nearest’s primary lender. When financial stress emerged, restructuring discussions would occur within the community, balancing creditor protection with brand preservation. A workout plan could have extended maturities, injected bridge capital, and preserved ownership. Instead, the present outcome will likely see the brand either auctioned, restructured under external oversight, or sold into a larger portfolio. The story of Uncle Nearest will remain in museums and marketing campaigns, but the financial rewards will slip away—just as European American institutions have ensured through financial violence for generations.

The Uncle Nearest receivership is not just a cautionary tale about aggressive borrowing or mismanagement. It is a systemic reminder of what happens when cultural triumphs outpace institutional capacity, and when European American-controlled finance holds the decisive power. Financial violence has been the consistent tool used to limit African American progress—from denying mortgages, to burning banks, to predatory subprime lending. Today it manifests in legal filings, receiverships, and foreclosures that strip ownership while preserving value for others. Until African American communities control financial institutions of sufficient scale, stories like this will recur: brilliant brands, celebrated entrepreneurs, cultural resonance—and eventual loss of ownership when credit turns cold. Only when African America builds banks, insurers, funds, and cooperatives at scale will financial violence cease to be an inevitability and become a relic of the past.

The call to action is clear. This moment must not be treated as another sad headline in the long story of African American dispossession. It must be the spark for a generational project to build the financial scaffolding that has been systematically denied. African American investors, entrepreneurs, and institutions cannot wait for European American finance to treat them fairly; fairness has never been the logic of capital. They must pool resources, scaling banks, capitalize funds, and demand that philanthropy move beyond symbolic gifts toward endowments and capital vehicles that last. The future of African American business depends not on individual brilliance or cultural resonance but on the quiet, disciplined construction of financial power. If Uncle Nearest becomes a turning point, it will not be because of whiskey. It will be because African America finally decided that financial violence would no longer be its inheritance, and that institutional capital, built and controlled internally, would be its defense.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

Working Hard For The Money: African America Comes In Dead Last When It Comes To Passive Income

“If you don’t find a way to make money while you sleep, you will work until you die.” — T. Harv Eker

In the American imagination, wealth is often synonymous with work—grit, grind, and the relentless pursuit of the paycheck. Yet the country’s richest families rarely labour for their living. Their fortunes compound quietly, buoyed by investments, dividend-paying stocks, real estate, and business interests. For Black households, whose median net worth remains a fraction of their white counterparts, accessing such passive income streams remains a frontier of both opportunity and historical consequence.

According to recent data from the U.S. Census and the Federal Reserve, only 7% of Black households report receiving passive income—whether from rental properties, interest, dividends, or business ownership—compared to 24% of white households. And when such income does exist, the median amount for Black families barely touches $2,000 annually, compared to nearly $5,000 for white households. This income disparity is not incidental. It reflects generations of exclusion, underinvestment, and systemic barriers to asset ownership.

But it is changing.

Across the U.S., a growing cohort of Black investors, entrepreneurs, and financial organizers are working to reverse this trend. From stock investing circles to community real estate funds and digital asset education, there is an awakening to the principle that “money must work when we do not.”

A Quiet Crisis in the Wealth Equation

Wealth in America has never been evenly distributed, but the passive income gap underscores a more insidious asymmetry: not just what people earn, but how money is multiplied. For much of the 20th century, Black Americans were systematically denied access to the very tools that compound wealth. Home loans were redlined. Stock brokers ignored Black neighborhoods. Black-owned businesses were underfinanced and over-regulated.

“We talk a lot about income inequality, but asset inequality is far more dangerous,” says Dr. Lenora Matthews, professor of finance at Howard University. “Passive income is how wealth survives across generations. Without it, every dollar must be earned, every month restarted from zero.”

The result has been a fragile wealth ecosystem. Black households are more likely to rely solely on wages, less likely to inherit financial assets, and more burdened by student debt. This combination severely limits participation in the capital markets that fuel passive income.

Enter the Index Fund

Among the most accessible starting points for passive income is the stock market—particularly index funds and ETFs (exchange-traded funds). These instruments offer low-cost, diversified exposure to the market and require little financial sophistication.

Platforms like M1 Finance, Public, and Fidelity now allow investors to buy fractional shares, meaning a person can invest $10 into the S&P 500 rather than $500 for a single share. Many Black investors are leveraging this entry point to build long-term portfolios with monthly contributions.

Tasha McDaniel, a teacher in Atlanta, began investing during the pandemic with just $50 per paycheck. “I never thought I’d be an investor,” she says. “But I realized my savings account was losing to inflation. Now my dividends buy more shares automatically.”

Her strategy follows a principle now gaining traction in Black financial circles: automatic reinvestment. Known as DRIP (Dividend Reinvestment Plan), it ensures that dividend payments purchase additional shares—compounding returns without additional cash input.

Real Estate: The Tangible Asset

Beyond equities, real estate remains the second pillar of passive income strategy. But here too, Black households have been historically marginalized. In 2022, the Black homeownership rate stood at 44%, compared to 74% among whites, a gap wider than it was in 1968 when the Fair Housing Act was passed.

And yet, platforms like Roofstock, Fundrise, and Arrived Homes are lowering the barriers. These services allow users to invest in rental properties, either fractionally or outright, while property management is handled externally—turning what was once an intensive business into a hands-off income stream.

“There’s a myth that you need $100,000 to buy a rental,” says Marcus Green, a Detroit-based real estate investor. “But with the right markets and leveraging community capital, Black investors can and are buying back the block.”

Indeed, co-investment models are growing. In cities like Birmingham, Baltimore, and Chicago, Black investment clubs are pooling resources to purchase duplexes and small multi-family homes. Each investor receives a percentage of rental income, and over time, equity appreciation.

The model is not new. It mirrors how Jewish, Chinese, and Caribbean diasporas historically approached real estate. What is new is the technological infrastructure allowing even small investors to participate.

Business Ownership: The Third Rail

Owning a business is arguably the most lucrative form of passive income—especially if it can be structured to run without the founder’s daily involvement. But again, Black entrepreneurs face outsized barriers. A 2021 Brookings report found that Black-owned businesses are half as likely to receive funding and receive only a third as much capital, even when creditworthiness is equal.

Still, entrepreneurship remains a favored strategy. Digital businesses—especially those selling information products, such as eBooks, online courses, or print-on-demand merchandise—offer high margins with low startup costs.

“I created a personal finance course for new parents,” says Jamal Pierce, a Houston-based father of two. “It took me three weekends. Now it makes $500 a month, and I haven’t touched it in a year.”

Similarly, Black creators on platforms like YouTube, Etsy, and Substack are finding ways to turn knowledge, creativity, and community into automated income. While these streams begin modestly, they represent a critical shift: from hourly labor to scalable value.

Trust, Trauma, and Financial Literacy

While access to capital is critical, trust and cultural engagement are equally important. Surveys consistently show that Black Americans are less likely to trust financial institutions. This distrust is not irrational. From the exploitation of Freedman’s Bank to discriminatory banking practices in the 2000s housing crash, history abounds with financial betrayal.

To bridge this gap, a new generation of Black financial educators is emerging. TikTok influencers, YouTube educators, and community workshops are now teaching passive income strategies with a culturally relevant lens.

“Financial literacy must come from trusted voices,” says Ayana Holland, founder of Black Wealth Book Club. “We aren’t just teaching stocks; we’re healing financial trauma.”

Her organization hosts monthly readings and investment challenges, helping members open brokerage accounts, buy dividend-paying stocks, and learn the language of capital.

Group Economics Reimagined

One of the most powerful but underutilized tools in the Black community remains cooperative economics. The tradition of “sou-sous” and rotating savings clubs dates back centuries but is now being modernized into investment syndicates and real estate cooperatives.

In New York, the Umoja Investment Circle—formed by five Black women—collectively saved $60,000 in a year and used it to buy a cash-flowing rental property in upstate New York. Each member now receives quarterly dividends.

“We realized we didn’t need to wait for the bank,” says founding member Tiffany Rhodes. “We were the capital.”

Such models not only build wealth but restore a sense of agency and interdependence. They allow families and communities to reclaim the capital flight that has plagued Black neighborhoods for decades.

Digital Assets and the Cautionary Horizon

The emergence of digital assets, particularly cryptocurrencies and decentralized finance (DeFi), has sparked curiosity and concern among Black investors. On one hand, Black Americans have adopted crypto at faster rates than their white peers, drawn by its decentralization and promise of wealth democratization.

On the other, the market’s volatility and regulatory uncertainty pose significant risks. The collapse of platforms like FTX and Celsius has reignited warnings about speculation without education.

“Crypto is not the enemy,” says Kaylin James, a blockchain consultant. “But we must separate hype from fundamentals. Bitcoin can be a long-term store of value, but not every coin is your ticket to freedom.”

The lesson is clear: passive income must be built on understanding, not urgency.

Policy Interventions and Structural Change

While individual strategies matter, structural change is essential to closing the passive income gap. Federal and state policies must expand access to retirement accounts, support first-time homebuyers, and fund Black-owned startups.

Programs like baby bonds, universal 401(k) participation, and public banking could democratize the tools of wealth. So too could the strengthening of historically Black financial institutions—credit unions, community development financial institutions (CDFIs), and HBCU endowments.

Indeed, institutions like OneUnited Bank and the HOPE Credit Union are already deploying capital into underserved areas, while crowdfunding models like Black Wall Street Cooperative are testing new modes of community finance.

Toward Financial Sovereignty

The quest for passive income is not merely a financial ambition—it is a reclaiming of time, dignity, and possibility. For Black households, it represents both survival and sovereignty. It is the freedom to plan, to rest, and to invest in future generations.

In a world where work grows ever more precarious and inequality more entrenched, the ability to earn without labour is no longer a luxury. It is an imperative.

As Jamal Pierce puts it: “I don’t want my kids to inherit hustle. I want them to inherit options.”

The shift is underway. The movement is growing. Passive income is not a dream. It is a strategy—and a declaration—that Black wealth will not be denied, only delayed.

Chart: Chamber of Commerce using U.S. Census Bureau’s 2019 American Community Survey

Analysis with Focus on African Americans

The chart presents data on median passive income and the percentage of households with passive income across different racial/ethnic groups. Here’s a focused analysis on African Americans (Black households) in comparison to others:

Passive Income Levels

  • Black households have the lowest median passive income compared to other groups.
  • Their median passive income is around $2,500, significantly lower than White, Hispanic, and Asian households, which are all above $4,000.
  • This suggests that Black households have less access to wealth-generating assets such as investments, rental properties, and other income-generating financial vehicles.

Percentage of Households with Passive Income

  • Black households also have the lowest percentage of households receiving passive income (approx. 6%).
  • This is significantly lower than Non-Hispanic White and Asian households, indicating that fewer Black families are benefiting from income streams outside of wages and salaries.
  • The disparity may be linked to historical and systemic barriers to wealth accumulation, including lower rates of homeownership, limited access to capital for investments, and disparities in inheritance.

Comparative Insights

  • Hispanic households, despite having near the same percentage of households receiving passive income as Black households, have a relatively equal median passive income to White and Asian households with White, Asian, and Hispanic households median passive income being over 50 percent greater than African American households.
  • In contrast, Non-Hispanic White and Asian households have both a higher proportion of households with passive income and significantly higher median passive income, suggesting a stronger institutional wealth advantage.
  • The data reinforces broader economic research that points to racial wealth gaps in the U.S., where Black families historically have had fewer opportunities to build wealth post World War II due to the G.I. Bill and desegregation leading to the demolishing of African American institutional wealth.

Potential Implications & Solutions

  • Financial literacy & investment education: Increasing awareness and access to investment opportunities can help improve passive income for Black households.
  • Wealth-building programs: Policies aimed at reducing barriers to property ownership and business investment can support long-term financial stability.
  • Access to capital: Expanding access to business loans, stock market investments, and other wealth-building tools can improve financial mobility.

Additional Insights on Passive Income Disparities for Black Households

Building on the previous analysis, let’s explore some deeper economic, historical, and structural factors that contribute to the lower levels of passive income among Black households.


Historical Barriers to Wealth Accumulation

  • Redlining & Housing Discrimination:
    • Homeownership is a key driver of wealth in the U.S. Black Americans were historically excluded from homeownership through redlining, restrictive covenants, and discriminatory lending practices.
    • Even today, Black homeownership rates remain significantly lower, limiting the ability to build home equity that could generate rental income or be passed down to future generations.
  • Limited Access to Financial Markets:
    • Generational wealth disparities mean Black families are less likely to inherit assets such as stocks, bonds, or investment properties.
    • The racial wealth gap reduces the ability to invest in income-generating assets like rental properties, mutual funds, or businesses.

Income vs. Wealth: Why This Matters for Passive Income

  • Higher Reliance on Earned Income:
    • The data suggests that Black households rely more on wages and salaries rather than passive income streams.
    • Without accumulated wealth or financial investments, it becomes harder to transition from relying solely on wages to generating income passively.
  • Debt Burden & Financial Constraints:
    • Black households tend to carry higher levels of student loan debt relative to income.
    • This reduces disposable income that could otherwise be invested in wealth-generating assets like stocks, businesses, or real estate.

Entrepreneurship & Business Ownership

  • Lower Rates of Business Ownership:
    • Business ownership is a major source of passive income, yet Black entrepreneurs face systemic barriers to access funding.
    • According to studies, Black business owners are more likely to be denied loans or receive less funding than White business owners with similar qualifications.
    • The lack of capital prevents many Black entrepreneurs from scaling their businesses into passive income-generating enterprises.

Investment Disparities

  • Lower Stock Market Participation:
    • Stock investments are a major source of passive income (dividends, capital appreciation).
    • Research shows that Black Americans are less likely to invest in the stock market, often due to financial constraints, lack of investment knowledge, or distrust in financial institutions.
    • This contributes to the income gap, as wealthier groups benefit disproportionately from stock market growth.
  • Retirement Savings Gap:
    • Black workers are less likely to have employer-sponsored retirement accounts such as 401(k) plans, which can serve as passive income sources later in life.
    • Lower contributions to retirement accounts also mean reduced wealth accumulation over time.

Policy & Structural Solutions

To address these disparities, several targeted interventions could help increase passive income opportunities for Black households:

Financial Education & Investment Access:

  • Expanding financial literacy programs to educate communities about investing, real estate, and wealth-building strategies.
  • Encouraging early participation in retirement and investment accounts.

Homeownership Support:

  • Strengthening first-time homebuyer assistance programs for Black families to increase homeownership rates.
  • Expanding access to fair lending and mortgage assistance programs.

Entrepreneurship & Capital Access:

  • Increasing access to venture capital and business loans for Black entrepreneurs.
  • Expanding mentorship programs that connect Black business owners with experienced investors.

Workplace & Policy Interventions:

  • Strengthening retirement benefits and employer-matching programs.
  • Enforcing anti-discrimination laws in financial institutions to ensure fair lending practices.

The chart illustrates a clear racial disparity in passive income, which is a key driver of long-term financial stability. Addressing this gap requires both individual financial strategies and systemic policy changes to create more equitable opportunities for Black households to build and sustain wealth.

Investment Strategies for Building Passive Income in Black Households

Building passive income requires a strategic approach to investing, asset accumulation, and financial planning. Here are some tailored investment strategies that can help Black households increase wealth and long-term financial stability.


Stock Market Investing (Long-Term Wealth Growth)

Investing in the stock market is one of the best ways to generate passive income through dividends and capital appreciation.

How to Get Started:

Invest in Index Funds & ETFs:

  • Index funds (e.g., S&P 500) and exchange-traded funds (ETFs) offer diversification and long-term growth with minimal risk.
  • Example: Vanguard Total Stock Market ETF (VTI), SPDR S&P 500 ETF (SPY), or Fidelity Zero Large Cap Index Fund (FNILX).

Dividend Stocks for Passive Income:

  • Some stocks pay dividends, providing consistent cash flow.
  • Examples: Johnson & Johnson (JNJ), Coca-Cola (KO), Procter & Gamble (PG).
  • Consider Dividend ETFs like Vanguard Dividend Appreciation ETF (VIG).

Start Small & Use Fractional Shares:

  • Apps like Robinhood, M1 Finance, and Fidelity allow investing with as little as $5.
  • Investing in fractional shares lets you own expensive stocks (e.g., Amazon, Apple) without needing full stock prices.

Retirement Accounts for Tax Advantages:

  • 401(k) or 403(b) Plans (if employer-sponsored) – Max out contributions, especially if there’s an employer match.
  • Roth IRA or Traditional IRA – Tax-free or tax-deferred investment growth.

Real Estate Investing (Building Generational Wealth)

Real estate is a powerful way to create passive income and build long-term wealth.

Ways to Invest in Real Estate:

🏡 Rental Properties (Buy & Hold Strategy):

  • Purchase properties in high-growth areas and rent them out.
  • House-hacking: Buy a duplex, live in one unit, and rent the other to cover your mortgage.

🏘 Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) (For Hands-Off Investing):

  • REITs allow you to invest in real estate without owning property.
  • They pay out dividends and grow in value over time.
  • Examples: Vanguard Real Estate ETF (VNQ), Realty Income Corp (O).

🏗 Short-Term Rentals (Airbnb, VRBO):

  • Renting out a portion of your home or a property on Airbnb can generate passive income.

🏠 Crowdfunded Real Estate:

  • Platforms like Fundrise, Roofstock, and RealtyMogul let you invest in real estate with as little as $500.

Entrepreneurship & Online Business (Creating Scalable Income)

Starting a business can provide long-term passive income if structured correctly.

Low-Cost Online Business Ideas:

💻 Create Digital Products (eBooks, Courses, Templates):

  • Platforms like Gumroad, Teachable, and Udemy allow you to sell digital products with no inventory costs.

🎙 Monetize Content (YouTube, Blogging, Podcasting):

  • Ad revenue, affiliate marketing, and sponsorships can generate passive income over time.
  • Example: Start a finance blog, career coaching YouTube channel, or real estate investing podcast.

📈 Affiliate Marketing & Dropshipping:

  • Promote other brands’ products and earn commissions without handling inventory.
  • Use platforms like Amazon Associates, Shopify, and ClickBank.

Passive Income from Bonds & Fixed-Income Investments

Bonds provide steady income with lower risk than stocks.

Best Bond Investments:

📜 U.S. Treasury Bonds & I Bonds:

  • Safe and backed by the government.
  • I Bonds protect against inflation and currently offer high-interest rates.

🏦 Corporate Bonds & Municipal Bonds:

  • Corporate bonds pay higher interest but carry slightly more risk.
  • Municipal bonds offer tax-free income and are great for long-term wealth preservation.

📊 Bond ETFs for Diversification:

  • Example: Vanguard Total Bond Market ETF (BND).

Community & Group Investing (Building Wealth Collectively)

Pooling resources can help overcome capital barriers in investing.

How to Invest as a Group:

👥 Investment Clubs & Stock Groups:

  • Join or create an investment group to collectively buy stocks or real estate.
  • Apps like Public and M1 Finance allow social investing.

🏡 Real Estate Syndication & Co-ops:

  • Partner with others to invest in properties together.
  • Example: Several families invest in an apartment complex and split the rental income.

🌍 Peer-to-Peer Lending (P2P):

  • Platforms like LendingClub allow investing in loans for passive interest income.

Leveraging Technology & Automation for Passive Income

📲 Set Up Automated Investing:

  • Use Robo-Advisors (Wealthfront, Betterment) for hands-off investing.
  • Set up automatic dividend reinvestments (DRIP) to grow wealth faster.

📱 Passive Income Apps:

  • Honeygain & Nielsen Rewards: Earn passive income by sharing internet bandwidth.

📈 Side Hustles with Passive Potential:

  • Print-on-Demand (Etsy, Redbubble)
  • Amazon Kindle Direct Publishing (KDP)

Final Takeaways: Actionable Steps

🔹 Step 1: Open a brokerage account (Fidelity, Vanguard, or Charles Schwab) and start investing in stocks, ETFs, or REITs.
🔹 Step 2: If possible, buy a rental property or start with REITs for real estate exposure.
🔹 Step 3: Automate savings & investments through 401(k), Roth IRA, or Robo-advisors.
🔹 Step 4: Explore low-risk passive businesses.
🔹 Step 5: Consider group investing with family or community investment clubs.

African American Poverty By HBCU/PBI States (2020)

“With segregation, with the isolation of the injured and the robbed, comes the concentration of disadvantage. An unsegregated America might see poverty, and all its effects, spread across the country with no particular bias toward skin color. Instead, the concentration of poverty has been paired with a concentration of melanin.” – Ta-Nehisi Coates

HBCUs and PBIs are arguably African American institutions that are built to solve and protect African American interests. There is no greater crisis that currently faces African American economically than its poverty. Its impact across all statistics like health outcomes, civic participation, business creation, student loan debt, and the list goes on and on. What exactly HBCUs and PBIs are doing about African American poverty in their cities and states is complicated to address. Many would say that simply graduating the number of African Americans with degrees is more than enough. That is until you realize the depth and impact our counterparts are using their higher educational institutions to do. MIT has an incubator that allows students to create companies while matriculating. Schools like Stanford have helped create Google, Harvard is the birthplace of Facebook, University of Texas and Texas A&M formed UTIMCO to create the nation’s largest endowment, and much more. PWIs banking with banks like J.P. Morgan, Wells Fargo, and others ensuring that European American owned banks have a deposit base that allows them to conduct the business of financially protecting their community and lending for European American homeownership and small business creation. HBCUs, not so much. It is also not just the HBCUs, but HBCU foundations, HBCU alumni associations, and other organizations that are supposed to be part of the vanguard/ecosystem of African American institutional development that pulls African American individuals, families, and communities away from poverty in conjunction with other African American institutions.

Poverty is already a complex and layered system and African American poverty is that on steroids. Each state and the HBCU/PBIs institutional system in it are part of the counterattack against African American poverty. Or at least we want them to be. For the alumni and administrations who see their institutional system as part of the empowerment and pulling of African America out of the throws of poverty it requires to know the actual depths of the situation.

Among the U.S. states with the highest poverty rates for 2022, HBCU/PBI states constituted 8 out of the top 10 for overall poverty.

ALABAMA

Overall Poverty (2020): 15.5%

Overall Poverty (2015): 19.3%

African American Poverty (2020): 23.5%

African American Poverty (2015): 31.1%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 24.4%

ARKANSAS

Overall Poverty (2020): 16.2%

Overall Poverty (2015): 18.9%

African American Poverty (2020): 27.1%*

African American Poverty (2015): 33.2%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 18.4%

CALIFORNIA

Overall Poverty (2020): 11.8%

Overall Poverty (2015): 16.5%

African American Poverty (2020): 19.0%*

African American Poverty (2015): 25.4%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 25.2%

DELAWARE

Overall Poverty (2020): 11.3%

Overall Poverty (2015): 12.5%

African American Poverty (2020): 17.3%

African American Poverty (2015): 19.9%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 13.1%

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.5%

Overall Poverty (2015): 17.7%

African American Poverty (2020): 21.6%*

African American Poverty (2015): 25.9%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 16.6%

FLORIDA

Overall Poverty (2020): 12.7%

Overall Poverty (2015): 16.5%

African American Poverty (2020): 19.8%*

African American Poverty (2015): 26.9%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 26.4%

GEORGIA

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.3%

Overall Poverty (2015): 18.3%

African American Poverty (2020): 18.8%

African American Poverty (2015): 27.0%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 30.1%

ILLINOIS

Overall Poverty (2020): 11.5%

Overall Poverty (2015): 14.4%

African American Poverty (2020): 24.2%*

African American Poverty (2015): 30.6%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 20.9%

KENTUCKY

Overall Poverty (2020): 16.3%

Overall Poverty (2015): 19.1%

African American Poverty (2020): 24.4%*

African American Poverty (2015): 32.4%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 24.7%

LOUISIANA

Overall Poverty (2020): 19.0%

Overall Poverty (2015): 19.8%

African American Poverty (2020): 29.4%*

African American Poverty (2015): 33.7%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 12.8%

MARYLAND

Overall Poverty (2020): 9.0%

Overall Poverty (2015): 10.1%

African American Poverty (2020): 12.9%

African American Poverty (2015): 14.6%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 11.6%

MASSACHUSETTS

Overall Poverty (2020): 9.4%

Overall Poverty (2015): 11.6%

African American Poverty (2020): 17.6%

African American Poverty (2015): 21.8%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 19.3%

MICHIGAN

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.0%

Overall Poverty (2015): 16.2%

African American Poverty (2020): 25.9%*

African American Poverty (2015): 33.0%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 21.5%

MISSISSIPPI

Overall Poverty (2020): 19.6%

Overall Poverty (2015): 21.5%

African American Poverty (2020): 30.7%

African American Poverty (2015): 34.3%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 10.5%

MISSOURI

Overall Poverty (2020): 12.9%

Overall Poverty (2015): 15.5%

African American Poverty (2020): 21.2%

African American Poverty (2015): 28.1%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 24.6%

NEW YORK

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.0%

Overall Poverty (2015): 15.9%

African American Poverty (2020): 20.0%

African American Poverty (2015): 23.2%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 13.8%

NORTH CAROLINA

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.6%

Overall Poverty (2015): 17.2%

African American Poverty (2020): 21.5%

African American Poverty (2015): 26.5%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 18.9%

OHIO

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.1%

Overall Poverty (2015): 15.8%

African American Poverty (2020): 27.3%*

African American Poverty (2015): 34.7%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 21.3%

OKLAHOMA

Overall Poverty (2020): 15.2%

Overall Poverty (2015): 16.6%

African American Poverty (2020): 28.2%*

African American Poverty (2015): 29.9%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 5.7%

PENNSYLVANIA

Overall Poverty (2020): 12.0%

Overall Poverty (2015): 13.6%

African American Poverty (2020): 24.9%

African American Poverty (2015): 29.5%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 15.6%

SOUTH CAROLINA

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.8%

Overall Poverty (2015): 16.8%

African American Poverty (2020): 23.1%*

African American Poverty (2015): 26.0%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 11.2%

TENNESSEE

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.9%

Overall Poverty (2015): 18.3%

African American Poverty (2020): 21.5%

African American Poverty (2015): 30.9%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 30.4%

TEXAS

Overall Poverty (2020): 13.6%

Overall Poverty (2015): 17.2%

African American Poverty (2020): 18.6%

African American Poverty (2015): 23.2%

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 19.8%

VIRGINIA

Overall Poverty (2020): 9.9%

Overall Poverty (2015): 11.8%

African American Poverty (2020): 16.4%*

African American Poverty (2015): 21.2%*

Change In African American Poverty 2015-2020: Decreased 22.6%

*Denotes that African Americans had the highest poverty rate among all groups during that period.

SOURCE: TalkPoverty.org; KFF.org

Norfolk State University Alumna & Community Banker Carla Holmes Discusses The History Of Black Homeownership

The ache for home lives in all of us, the safe place where we can go as we are and not be questioned. Maya Angelou

African American homeownership (pictured below) has never breached above 50 percent. Ever. According to HBCU Money data, it would take $14.7 billion in down payments for African American homeownership to just reach 50.1 percent. This is assuming that those 900,000 African American households would only be using FHA at 3.5 percent down. A debatable matter on the risk side that such low down payments would pose to households should the real estate market turn against them in the early years of their ownership. The $14.7 billion could decrease given the geography of African Americans being predominantly focused in the southeastern United States where homes on the whole are cheaper than much of the rest of the country. Using the southeastern median home price in fact would drop the $14.7 billion down to $12.3 billion. How big is this number? African American owned banks (what is left of them) only hold $4.3 billion in assets combined. The approximately 100 remaining HBCUs have combined endowments of around $3 billion. There are 44 people (none of which are African Americans) on the Forbes 400 who are individually worth more than $14.7 billion.

The causes of this are many, but the impact of it has been extremely pointed. In a country where homeownership has significant social and economic value to a group, African Americans have largely been starved of the social and economic oxygen that homeownership prevails and continue to lack the ecosystem necessary to make the sustained push above and beyond what has now become the mythical 50 percent line. But all hope is not lost.

Recently, Carla Holmes, a Norfolk State University alumnae and community banker, sat down for an interview to discuss the history of African American homeownership and more importantly the potential path forward. “I often say that community development found me. I noticed there was a need for education and training in the community and especially in the Black community in moving towards homeownership and understanding more about affordable housing.”

For the full podcast and interview click here.

Ariel Capital’s 2020 Black Investor Survey: African America’s Continued Fight To Close The Investment Gap

“On March 23, 2020, the S&P 500 fell 2.9%. In all, the index dropped nearly 34% in about a month, wiping out three years’ worth of gains for the market. It all led to a 76.1% surge for the S&P 500 and a shocking return to record heights. This run looks to be one of the, if not the, best 365-day stretches for the S&P 500 since before World War II. Based on month-end figures, the last time the S&P 500 rose this much in a 12-month stretch was in 1936, according to Howard Silverblatt, senior index analyst at S&P Dow Jones Indices.” – CBS News

Ariel Capital released their 2020 Black Investor Survey and the results show that there is reason to be pessimistic today, but potentially optimistic for tomorrow. The survey focuses on middle class African American and European American households earning over $50K in 2019. Some key financial points outside of this survey that should be taken into context though are poverty for African American stands at 21.2 percent versus 9.0 percent for European Americans. This high rate of poverty for African Americans means that middle class African Americans, as noted in the survey, are more likely to have high levels of assistance to family and friends which provides a damper on higher investing capabilities. These high levels of poverty are highly reflective of the median wealth gap between African and European Americas, $24,100 versus $188,200, respectively. African America continues to suffer from weak institution building and therefore the ability for its economic and financial ecosystem to strengthen continues to be suffocated. Firms like Ariel Capital and other African American financial institutions need more investment and support from other African American institutions, like HBCUs, in order to scale and create more employment, wealth, and economic opportunities beyond the grassroots level.

KEY HIGHLIGHTS:

  • The deep-rooted gap in stock market participation between the groups persists, with 55% of Black Americans and 71% of white Americans reporting stock market investments.
  • 63% of Black Americans under the age of 40 now participate in the stock market, equal to their white counterparts.
  • Ownership rates of 401(k) plans are now similar between Black and white Americans (53% vs. 55%).
  • White 401(k) plan participants put 26% more per month toward their retirement accounts than Black 401(k) plan participants ($291 vs. $231).
  • Black Americans are less likely than white Americans to own almost every kind of financial vehicle, with the exception of whole life insurance, which is favored in the Black community.
  • They are also less likely than white Americans to have written wills, financial plans, or retirement plans.
  • For Black Americans, disparities grow every month; while they save $393 per month, white Americans are saving 76% more ($693 per month).
  • Black Americans are also far less likely to have inherited (23% vs. 51%) or expect to inherit wealth (15% vs. 35%).
  • Black Americans are less likely to work with financial advisors (21% vs. 45% of whites).
  • Student loan delay or deferral was reported as being three times more common among Black Americans (16%) than whites (5%).
  • More than twice as many Black 401(k) participants (12% vs. 5%) borrowed money from their retirement accounts.
  • Almost twice as many Black Americans (18% vs. 10%) dipped into an emergency fund.
  • And 9% of Black Americans (vs. 4% of white Americans) say they asked their family or friends for financial support in 2020, while 18% of Black Americans and 13% of white Americans acknowledged giving financial support to family and friends last year.
  • Among Black Americans, 10% discussed the stock market with their families growing up, while 37% discuss the stock market with their families now (compared to 23% and 36%, respectively, for white Americans).
The chart above tracks the participation in the stock market through individual stocks, mutual funds, or ETFS. For African and European Americans, 2020 is an all-time low of participation since tracking began in January 1998. However, the gap of participation has closed from 24 percentage points in 1998 to 16 percentage points in 2020. Primarily due to the all-time low of European America’s participation falling by 10 percentage points and African America’s falling by only 2 percentage points. The closest the gap has been was in 2001 and 2002 when it was 10 percentage points and in 2002 saw African America break through 70 percentage points the only time in the survey’s history when we reached 74 percent.

HBCUs can play a significant role in closing the investment gap by introducing students to HBCU alumni who have gone on to become investors and financial advisors – thus circulating both intellectual and financial capital within the HBCU ecosystem. Even more so, they can assist in ensuring students set up investment accounts like a Roth IRA during their freshmen year and throughout matriculation. The earlier students are engaged in investing the more compounding can work for them over their lifetime which in turn makes for wealthier alumni, larger future donations, stronger African American communities, and more value proposition for HBCUs to promote within the African American community.