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Credit Card Rate Caps Could Deepen Financial Inequality for African American Households

Our credit system, like almost institutional reality we have is very much dependent on Others. Until we realize and work towards infrastructure of our own institutional ownership within the credit landscape, then we will continue to be prey for predators and subsidizers that enriches others and their institutions. – William A. Foster, IV

When President Donald Trump announced a proposed 10% cap on credit card interest rates in January 2026, most Americans greeted the news with skeptical hope. The move seemed like a potential lifeline for families struggling with debt burdens and interest rates that often exceed 20%, even as many questioned whether it could actually happen. But for African American households, this well-intentioned policy could become another barrier in a financial system that has historically excluded and disadvantaged them.

The challenge lies not in the intention behind rate caps, but in their likely consequences. While lower interest rates sound beneficial on the surface, the economic reality of credit markets means that banks facing reduced profitability will respond by restricting who can access credit in the first place. For African American families already fighting against systemic barriers to financial services, this could close doors that were only partially open to begin with.

African American households face dramatically different credit market realities than their white counterparts. According to the FDIC’s 2023 survey, more than 10% of Black Americans lack access to basic checking or savings accounts, compared to just 2% of white Americans. This banking gap represents more than inconvenience it fundamentally limits the ability to build the credit history that determines access to affordable loans, mortgages, and yes, credit cards.

The wealth disparity tells an even starker story. The median net worth of white households stands at approximately $188,200, nearly eight times the $24,100 median for Black households. This gap isn’t accidental it’s the product of generations of discriminatory policies from redlining to predatory lending, compounded by the deterioration of African American-owned banks and credit unions. As Black ownership of financial institutions has declined, the community has become more reliant on external institutions for credit, creating conditions that invited more predatory lending into African American neighborhoods. When African Americans do access credit, they consistently face higher interest rates than white borrowers with similar incomes. High-income Black homeowners, for instance, receive mortgage rates comparable to low-income white homeowners.

The dependence on consumer credit has reached critical levels in African American households. Recent analysis from HBCU Money’s 2024 African America Annual Wealth Report reveals that consumer credit has surged to $740 billion, now representing nearly half of all African American household debt and approaching parity with home mortgage obligations of $780 billion. This near 1:1 ratio between consumer credit and mortgage debt represents a fundamental inversion of healthy household finance. For white households, the ratio stands at approximately 3:1 in favor of mortgage debt over consumer credit. The African American community stands alone in this precarious position, where high-interest, unsecured borrowing rivals the debt secured by appreciating assets.

These disparities matter enormously when considering how banks will respond to rate caps. Credit card companies operate on risk-based pricing models, charging higher rates to borrowers they perceive as riskier based on credit scores, income stability, and banking relationships. African American borrowers, because of structural disadvantages in each of these areas, already cluster in categories that receive higher interest rates. When banks can no longer charge those rates, they will simply stop offering credit to these borrowers entirely.

The banking industry’s response to Trump’s proposal has been swift and unequivocal: a 10% interest rate cap would force them to dramatically restrict credit availability. Analysis from the American Bankers Association suggests that nearly 95% of subprime borrowers, those with credit scores below 680 would lose access to credit cards under even a 15% cap. With rates currently averaging around 20%, a 10% ceiling would affect even more borrowers. Industry analysts estimate that between 82% and 88% of credit cardholders could see their cards eliminated or their credit limits drastically reduced. The Electronic Payments Coalition warns that low to moderate income consumers would be hit hardest, precisely the demographic where African American households are disproportionately represented.

This isn’t just industry fearmongering. Historical evidence supports these concerns. When Illinois implemented a 36% APR cap on all borrowing, lending to subprime borrowers plummeted. Similar patterns emerged from 19th-century usury laws and research on payday loan restrictions. The consistent pattern is clear: when rate caps make lending unprofitable, lenders exit the market or tighten requirements. For African American households, this creates a devastating catch-22. They’re more likely to need credit due to lower wealth levels and less access to family financial support. Yet they’re also more likely to be denied that credit or pushed into predatory alternatives when traditional sources dry up.

The credit card industry categorizes borrowers by risk, with subprime borrowers facing the highest rates but also the greatest need for access to credit. African American consumers are overrepresented in subprime categories, not because of personal failing but because of systemic factors that suppress credit scores. Historical discrimination in housing, employment, and lending created wealth gaps that persist through generations. Lower wealth means less ability to weather financial shocks, leading to missed payments that damage credit scores.

When major banks stop serving subprime borrowers, those families don’t suddenly stop needing credit. They turn to alternative sources and here’s where the rate cap could cause real harm. Payday lenders, pawn shops, auto title loans, and other fringe financial services often charge effective annual percentage rates far exceeding credit card rates, sometimes reaching 300% to 400% or higher. These services operate in a less regulated space where consumer protections are weaker and predatory practices more common.

African American neighborhoods already contain disproportionately high concentrations of these alternative lenders, a modern echo of historical redlining patterns. Bank branches are scarce in many predominantly Black communities, while check-cashing outlets and payday loan storefronts proliferate. A rate cap that drives more families into this unregulated market would exacerbate existing inequities. The irony is profound. A policy designed to protect consumers from high interest rates could push vulnerable families toward even higher costs and fewer protections. JPMorgan analysts warned that the rate cap could redirect borrowing away from regulated banks toward pawn shops and non-bank consumer lenders, increasing risks for consumers already under financial strain.

The consequences of restricted credit access extend far beyond the immediate inability to make purchases. Credit cards serve as emergency funds for families without substantial savings, a category that includes a disproportionate number of African American households. For many Black families facing persistent income gaps, credit cards function not just as a convenience but as an income supplemental tool, helping to bridge the gap between earnings and the actual cost of living. When a car breaks down, a medical bill arrives, or a job loss creates temporary income disruption, credit cards can mean the difference between weathering the storm and falling into a debt spiral that damages credit for years.

The reality is that consumer credit has become essential infrastructure for African American household finance. With consumer credit growing by 10.4% in 2024, more than double the 4.0% growth in mortgage debt, Black families are increasingly dependent on expensive borrowing to maintain living standards. This isn’t a choice so much as a structural reality of trying to survive on incomes that remain roughly 60% of median white household income while facing higher costs for everything from insurance to groceries in predominantly Black neighborhoods.

Small business ownership represents another critical pathway to wealth building where African Americans face systemic barriers. Black entrepreneurs already struggle to access business loans, with approval rates significantly lower than for white business owners with similar qualifications, another systemic issue from African American banks and credit unions having limited deposits and being unable to extend loans and credit. Many small business owners use personal credit cards to fund startup costs, inventory purchases, and cash flow gaps. Restricting credit card access would eliminate this crucial financing option for aspiring Black entrepreneurs.

The rewards and benefits ecosystem could also shift dramatically. Banks have indicated they would likely reduce or eliminate rewards programs to offset lost interest income from rate caps. While this might seem minor compared to interest savings, rewards programs have become an important tool for building value, particularly for higher-credit consumers who pay balances in full monthly. The Vanderbilt Policy Accelerator research found that borrowers with credit scores of 760 or lower would see reductions in credit card rewards under a rate cap. Perhaps most concerning is the potential for credit scoring and financial history deterioration. When credit lines are closed or limits reduced, credit utilization ratios increase, which damages credit scores. This creates a downward spiral where reduced access leads to worse credit, which leads to further reduced access. For African American families working to build credit and financial stability, this could set progress back by years.

The genuine problem of high credit card interest rates and mounting consumer debt deserves serious policy attention. But effective solutions must account for how credit markets actually function and who would be most affected by reduced access. Rather than interest rate caps, policymakers should consider approaches that expand access while addressing affordability. Strengthening African American-owned banks, credit unions, and community development financial institutions would restore economic self-determination to communities that once had thriving financial ecosystems. These institutions don’t just serve African American communities they’re owned by them, led by them, and invested in their long-term prosperity. Historically, Black-owned banks have proven they can maintain sound lending practices while understanding the full context of their customers’ financial lives in ways that large, distant institutions simply cannot.

Currently, there are only 18 Black or African American owned banks with combined assets of just $6.4 billion, a tiny fraction of the industry. The absence of robust Black-owned financial institutions means that virtually all of the $740 billion in consumer credit carried by African American households flows to institutions outside the community. With African American-owned banks holding assets equivalent to less than 1% of Black household debt, the overwhelming majority of interest payments—potentially $120 billion annually—enriches predominantly white-owned institutions with no vested interest in Black wealth creation or community reinvestment. This extraction mechanism operates continuously, draining capital that could otherwise be intermediated through Black-owned institutions to support local lending and community development.

Strengthening requirements for transparent pricing, fee limitations, and responsible lending standards could protect consumers without eliminating credit availability. Regulators could mandate clearer disclosure of total costs, limit penalty fees that disproportionately burden those already struggling, and establish guardrails against predatory terms while preserving access to credit itself. Yet even these modest reforms face an uphill battle in the current political climate. The reality is that meaningful policy solutions require political will that simply doesn’t exist right now for addressing racial economic disparities directly. This makes the unintended consequences of blunt instruments like interest rate caps even more dangerous—they can restrict credit access under the banner of consumer protection while offering no viable alternatives.

The fundamental reality is clear: waiting for federal policy to solve credit access problems is a losing strategy. African American households face a specific set of economic challenges rooted in a specific history, and the solutions must be equally specific not generic approaches that treat all groups the same. The path forward requires African American communities to build their own financial infrastructure. This means capitalizing and expanding Black-owned banks and credit unions that can offer credit products designed for the actual economic realities of their customers, not risk models built on white wealth patterns. It means creating community-based lending circles and cooperative credit arrangements that leverage collective resources. It means developing alternative credit scoring systems that account for rent payments, utility bills, and other financial behaviors that traditional models ignore.

Rebuilding this sector isn’t about charity or inclusion; it’s about economic self-determination. Black-owned financial institutions have historically understood that a credit score doesn’t tell the whole story of a person’s creditworthiness, and they’ve made sound lending decisions based on relationship banking and community knowledge that large institutions can’t replicate. The challenge isn’t convincing European American owned banks to be fairer, it’s building the capacity to not need them as much. When African American communities had stronger networks of Black-owned banks, insurance companies, and credit unions, they had more options and more power. Rebuilding that infrastructure, combined with individual financial strategies that emphasize building assets and reducing dependence on consumer credit, offers a more sustainable path than hoping for beneficial federal intervention.

A 10% interest rate cap might sound appealing in the abstract, but for African American households, it likely means one thing: less access to the credit system entirely. The question then becomes not whether mainstream banks will treat Black borrowers fairly, but how communities can create their own credit access systems that serve their actual needs. That’s not a policy problem it’s a community capacity problem, and it requires community-driven solutions.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ClaudeAI.

What Berkshire Buys Next: The Five Giants That Fit Buffett’s Playbook

In Omaha, Berkshire Hathaway’s cash pile has grown so large that even Wall Street marvels at its inertia. With over $380 billion in cash and short-term Treasuries, the conglomerate is sitting on more dry powder than most central banks. Yet Warren Buffett and his successor, Greg Abel, have long maintained that capital must only move when the odds of permanent capital loss are near zero.

Now, with global markets resetting post-2020 stimulus and inflation anchoring valuations, the question becomes: what could Berkshire buy next that would be both large enough to matter and philosophically sound enough to pass Buffett’s test of simplicity, durability, and trust?

The five most plausible candidates — Costco, McDonald’s, Home Depot, Royal Bank of Canada, and Toyota — each satisfy that mix of prudence, predictability, and permanence that defines Berkshire’s century-long strategy of buying “businesses, not tickers.”

Buffett’s philosophy has been remarkably consistent for over six decades: buy simple, cash-rich, moated businesses led by trustworthy managers. Berkshire’s model of quasi-permanent ownership, decentralized operations, and disciplined capital allocation has made it the corporate equivalent of a sovereign wealth fund — except its sovereign is capitalism itself.

Greg Abel, the man expected to succeed Buffett, has only reinforced this model. Coming from Berkshire Energy, Abel represents the “real economy” side of the house preferring tangible assets, regulated returns, and predictable cash flow over the exuberance of speculative innovation.

Hence, the next Berkshire deal is not likely to be an AI startup or fintech disrupter. It will be a “forever asset” — a company that compounds quietly and defends its margins under any macro regime.

Given Berkshire’s sheer scale of over $1 trillion in market capitalization a target must have an enterprise value north of $200 billion to meaningfully “move the needle.” Anything smaller, and the math of compounding becomes negligible.

🧩 The Berkshire Universe: Themes and Tendencies

Berkshire’s portfolio reads like a map of the American and global economy’s most reliable arteries:

CategoryCore HoldingsTraits
FinancialsAmEx, Bank of America, Moody’s, ChubbHigh ROE, capital-light, recurring revenue
Consumer StaplesCoca-Cola, Kraft Heinz, DiageoGlobal brands, predictable demand
Energy / IndustrialsChevron, Occidental, MitsubishiReal assets, inflation hedge
TechnologyApple, Amazon (small), VeriSignCash-rich ecosystems
Infrastructure / InsuranceBNSF Railway, BH ReinsuranceTangible durability, “float” generation

This structure provides a blueprint for what comes next: reinforcement, not reinvention. Berkshire rarely pivots; it doubles down on what works. It will seek businesses that (1) resemble what it already understands, and (2) offer inflation-protected earnings streams in a world of higher nominal rates.

From the universe of firms valued between $200 billion and $450 billion, only a handful exhibit the balance of predictability, management integrity, and strategic fit Berkshire demands.

A closer look through Buffett’s filters narrows the field to Costco, McDonald’s, Home Depot, Royal Bank of Canada, and Toyota. Each operates in a sector Berkshire already knows and each represents a bridge between the company’s past and its post-Buffett future.

1. Costco Wholesale (Ticker: COST)

The Cult of Value Meets the Culture of Discipline

Buffett has long admired Costco’s operating model. It is a retailer that sells everything from fresh salmon to fine jewelry but in truth, it sells trust. Its membership model generates annuity-like revenue, while its relentless efficiency and scale provide a durable moat against both inflation and digital disruption.

Charlie Munger, Buffett’s late partner, once served on Costco’s board and famously said, “Costco is one of the most admirable capitalistic institutions in the world.” That legacy alone makes a partial acquisition symbolically powerful.

While a full buyout (market cap ≈ $405 billion) may be too expensive, a 20–30% stake would make sense. It would give Berkshire exposure to global consumer spending and provide a stabilizing counterpart to its stake in Apple, a brand built on loyalty, not leverage.

In the age of shrinking retail margins, Costco remains an inflation hedge, its pricing power born from scale, not greed. Buffett has always preferred such quiet dominance.

2. McDonald’s (Ticker: MCD)

Fast Food, Slow Capital

If there were ever a brand that personifies Buffett’s doctrine of “durable competitive advantage,” it is McDonald’s. With over 40,000 locations in 100+ countries and a business model centered on franchised cash flow, McDonald’s is the quintessential predictable earner.

Its asset-light structure means free cash flow margins north of 25%, while its real-estate footprint functions as an embedded REIT. In a world of digital payments, delivery, and global inflation, McDonald’s pricing agility is unmatched. It can raise prices by 5% globally without denting demand, a privilege of brand addiction.

Moreover, McDonald’s cultural synergy with Coca-Cola (another Berkshire cornerstone) cannot be overstated. Both are global empires built on ubiquity, habit, and nostalgia. A merger of ownership philosophy, if not of products, would anchor Berkshire’s consumer-staples dynasty for another half-century.

At ~$218 billion market cap, McDonald’s is one of the few full-scale acquisitions Berkshire could realistically afford outright.

3. Home Depot (Ticker: HD)

Owning the American Rebuild

Buffett once said that he bets on the “resilience of the American homeowner.” Home Depot, valued around $372 billion, is the most efficient expression of that belief.

As infrastructure spending rises and housing shortages intensify, Home Depot sits at the crossroads of construction, repair, and consumer credit. Its business model converts cyclical demand into steady dividend growth. For Berkshire, already owning materials firms and insulation producers, a significant stake in Home Depot would complete a “vertical household economy” from supply chain to consumer.

Its store footprint and brand loyalty parallel BNSF’s railroad network: both are national arteries essential to the domestic economy. Buffett loves owning irreplaceable distribution infrastructure and Home Depot’s logistics system is precisely that.

4. Royal Bank of Canada (Ticker: RY)

The Conservative Bank That Would Make Carnegie Smile

Berkshire’s financial core is deep, but largely American. A Royal Bank of Canada acquisition would expand its footprint across North America’s second-largest and most stable financial system.

RBC’s strengths are conservative underwriting, dominant market share in wealth management, and a culture of steady, compounding profitability which mirror Buffett’s historical love of American Express and Bank of America.

Moreover, Canada’s heavily regulated banking environment protects incumbents from competition. Berkshire thrives in such “wide-moat oligopolies.”

At a market cap of $208 billion, the bank is small enough for a full acquisition but large enough to deploy Berkshire’s idle cash meaningfully. It would also diversify currency exposure and hedge U.S. economic concentration, a quiet, Abel-style move.

5. Toyota Motor Corp. (Ticker: TM)

Japan’s Crown Jewel of Industrial Resilience

Berkshire already owns minority stakes in five major Japanese trading houses, a calculated bet on the nation’s industrial discipline. Extending that strategy into Toyota would be the logical next step.

Toyota’s balance sheet, manufacturing excellence, and hybrid-vehicle leadership make it a quintessential “Buffett business” hidden inside an automaker. Unlike the tech-saturated EV startups, Toyota’s philosophy of gradual innovation, prudence, and reliability mirrors Berkshire’s own.

The two even share a cultural ethos: long-termism over trend-chasing.

At roughly $268 billion market cap, a 10–20% strategic stake would echo Buffett’s Japanese diversification theme without the regulatory complexity of a full acquisition. It would also position Berkshire for the eventual rise of hybrid and hydrogen vehicles in emerging markets, aligning with its energy portfolio’s shift toward renewables.

💰 Financial Feasibility: Deploying $250 Billion Wisely

Even Berkshire’s cash hoard has limits. Deploying $150–$250 billion must pass both the Buffett test (certainty of cash flow) and the Abel test (inflation resilience).

A possible portfolio of acquisitions could look like this:

TargetMarket Cap (USD)Likely ApproachStrategic Rationale
Costco$405B20–30% stakeGlobal retail + subscription revenue
McDonald’s$218BFull acquisitionCash flow, brand power, inflation hedge
Home Depot$372B20–30% stakeU.S. infrastructure exposure
Royal Bank of Canada$208BFull acquisitionNorth American financial expansion
Toyota$268B10–20% stakeJapan industrial diversification

In total, such a deployment would utilize around $200 billion, leaving liquidity for buybacks and opportunistic purchases.

This mirrors Berkshire’s historical pattern: buying large minority stakes in global champions, then waiting for market corrections to accumulate more — the “silent control” strategy that has defined its rise.

Strategic Summary: The Post-Buffett Blueprint

The post-Buffett Berkshire era will be one of institutional continuity, not radical change. Greg Abel’s likely leadership ensures that the company remains disciplined, risk-averse, and industrially grounded.

These five potential acquisitions — Costco, McDonald’s, Home Depot, Royal Bank of Canada, and Toyota — collectively represent Berkshire’s five pillars of permanence:

  1. Consumer Trust (Costco) – Loyalty as an economic moat.
  2. Everyday Habit (McDonald’s) – Cash flow as culture.
  3. Infrastructure (Home Depot) – Building the backbone of America.
  4. Finance (RBC) – Conservative capital compounding.
  5. Industry (Toyota) – Global operational excellence.

Each adds a layer of diversification without diluting Berkshire’s DNA. Together, they form a defensive fortress against inflation, technological disruption, and economic cycles — precisely the environment Berkshire was built to survive.

For HBCU endowments and African American institutional investors, Berkshire’s approach holds a powerful parallel. The key lesson is patience married to scale. Berkshire’s compounding model demonstrates how disciplined reinvestment — not speculative churn — builds generational wealth.

Like Berkshire, HBCU financial ecosystems can create “institutional compounding engines” by investing in enterprises that share cultural familiarity, operational durability, and intergenerational value. Buffett calls it “the joy of owning good businesses forever.”

For African American institutions, that translates to owning — not merely funding — the infrastructure of our own economies.

Berkshire Hathaway stands at an inflection point. The post-Buffett era will not be about reinvention but reaffirmation — proving that its model of ethical capitalism can persist without its founding prophet.

The five plausible acquisitions ahead — Costco, McDonald’s, Home Depot, Royal Bank of Canada, and Toyota — are not just balance-sheet moves; they are philosophical statements.

Each embodies what Buffett has called the “virtue of patience in a speculative age.” And as markets oscillate between AI euphoria and geopolitical anxiety, Berkshire remains what it has always been: a monument to quiet power and compounding discipline.

For long-term investors — from sovereign funds to HBCU endowments — that discipline remains the truest asset class of all.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

HBCU Money’s 2024 African American Owned Bank Directory

All banks are listed by state. In order to be listed in our directory the bank must have at least 51 percent African American ownership. You can click on the bank name to go directly to their website.

KEY FINDINGS:

  • 14 of the 18 African American Owned Banks saw increases in assets from 2023.
  • African American Owned Banks (AAOBs) are in 16 states and territories. Key states absent are Maryland, Missouri, New York, and Virginia.
  • Adelphi Bank (OH) is the most recent African American Owned Bank started in 2023. Prior to that no African American owned bank had been started in 23 years.
  • Alabama and Georgia each have two AAOBs.
  • African American Owned Banks have approximately $6.4 billion of America’s $23.6 trillion bank assets (see below) or 0.027 percent. The apex of African American owned bank assets was in 1926 when AAOBs held 0.2 percent of America’s bank assets or 10 times the percentage they hold today.
  • African American Owned Banks comprise 12 percent of Minority-Owned Banks (151), but only control 1.75 percent of FDIC designated Minority-Owned Bank Assets.
  • 2024 Median AAOBs Assets: $191,590,000 ($168,701,000)
  • 2024 Average AAOBs Assets: $355,448,000 ($326,097,000)
  • TOTAL AFRICAN AMERICAN OWNED BANK ASSETS 2024: $6,398,070,000 ($5,867,738,000)

ALABAMA

ALAMERICA BANK

Location: Birmingham, Alabama

Founded: January 28, 2000

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $17,741,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 2.7%

COMMONWEALTH NATIONAL BANK

Location: Mobile, Alabama

Founded: February 19, 1976

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $66,375,000

Asset Change (2023): DOWN 0.8%

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

INDUSTRIAL BANK

Location: Washington, DC

Founded: August 18, 1934

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $755,175,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 2.2%

GEORGIA

CARVER STATE BANK

Location: Savannah, Georgia

Founded: January 1, 1927

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $106,700,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 30.3%

CITIZENS TRUST BANK

Location: Atlanta, Georgia

Founded: June 18, 1921

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $793,469,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 7.0%

ILLINOIS

GN BANK

Location: Chicago, Illinois

Founded: January 01, 1934

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $64,685,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 1.2%

LOUISIANA

LIBERTY BANK & TRUST COMPANY

Location: New Orleans, Louisiana

Founded: November 16, 1972

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $1,076,349,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 2.6%

MASSACHUSETTS

ONEUNITED BANK

Location: Boston, Massachusetts

Founded: August 02, 1982

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $756,367,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 0.1%

MICHIGAN

FIRST INDEPENDENCE BANK

Location: Detroit, Michigan

Founded: May 14, 1970

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $644,122,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 6.1%

MISSISSIPPI

GRAND BANK FOR SAVINGS, FSB

Location: Hattiesburg, Mississippi

Founded: January 1, 1968

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $252,934,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 57.0%

NORTH CAROLINA

MECHANICS & FARMERS BANK

Location: Durham, North Carolina

Founded: March 01, 1908

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $498,118,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 15.9% 

OHIO

ADELPHI BANK

Location: Columbus, Ohio

Founded: January 18, 2023

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $68,154,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 55.1%

OKLAHOMA

FIRST SECURITY BANK & TRUST

Location: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma

Founded: April 06, 1951

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $174,740,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 46.4%

PENNSYLVANIA

UNITED BANK OF PHILADELPHIA

Location: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Founded: March 23, 1992

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $53,275,000

Asset Change (2023): DOWN 4.4%

SOUTH CAROLINA

OPTUS BANK

Location: Columbia, South Carolina

Founded: March 26, 1999

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $662,589,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 26.2%

TENNESSEE

CITIZENS SAVINGS B&T COMPANY

Location: Nashville, Tennessee

Founded: January 4, 1904

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $181,740,000

Asset Change (2023): UP 3.1%

TEXAS

UNITY NB OF HOUSTON

Location: Houston, Texas

Founded: August 01, 1985

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $201,440,000

Asset Change (2023): DOWN 3.6%

WISCONSIN

COLUMBIA SAVINGS & LOAN ASSOCIATION 

Location: Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Founded: January 1, 1924

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $24,097,000

Asset Change (2023): DOWN 12.0%

SOURCE: FDIC

HBCU Money’s 2023 African American Owned Bank Directory

All banks are listed by state. In order to be listed in our directory the bank must have at least 51 percent African American ownership. You can click on the bank name to go directly to their website.

OTHER KEY FINDINGS:

  • 11 of the 17 African American Owned Banks saw increases in assets from 2022.
  • African American Owned Banks (AAOBs) are in 16 states and territories. Key states absent are Maryland, Missouri, New York, and Virginia.
  • Adelphi Bank (OH) is the first African American Owned Bank (AAOB) started in 23 years.
  • Alabama and Georgia each have two AAOBs.
  • African American Owned Banks have approximately $5.8 billion of America’s $23.2 trillion bank assets (see above) or 0.02 percent. The apex of African American owned bank assets was in 1926 when AAOBs held 0.2 percent of America’s bank assets or 10 times the percentage they hold today.
  • African American Owned Banks control 1.7 percent of FDIC designated Minority-Owned Bank Assets.
  • 2023 Median AAOBs Assets: $168,701,000 ($150,072,000)
  • 2023 Average AAOBs Assets: $326,097,000 ($325,391,000)
  • TOTAL AFRICAN AMERICAN OWNED BANK ASSETS 2023: $5,867,738,000 ($5,531,655,000)

ALABAMA

ALAMERICA BANK

Location: Birmingham, Alabama

Founded: January 28, 2000

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $17,282,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 9.5%

COMMONWEALTH NATIONAL BANK

Location: Mobile, Alabama

Founded: February 19, 1976

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $66,944,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 9.2%

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

INDUSTRIAL BANK

Location: Washington, DC

Founded: August 18, 1934

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $739,181,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 2.2%

GEORGIA

CARVER STATE BANK

Location: Savannah, Georgia

Founded: January 1, 1927

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $81,906,000

Asset Change (2022): DOWN 2.5%

CITIZENS TRUST BANK

Location: Atlanta, Georgia

Founded: June 18, 1921

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $741,413,000

Asset Change (2022): DOWN 8.1%

ILLINOIS

GN BANK

Location: Chicago, Illinois

Founded: January 01, 1934

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $63,898,000

Asset Change (2022): DOWN 11.1%

LOUISIANA

LIBERTY BANK & TRUST COMPANY

Location: New Orleans, Louisiana

Founded: November 16, 1972

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $1,048,899,000

Asset Change (2022): DOWN 3.4%

MASSACHUSETTS

ONEUNITED BANK

Location: Boston, Massachusetts

Founded: August 02, 1982

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $755,706,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 1.6%

MICHIGAN

FIRST INDEPENDENCE BANK

Location: Detroit, Michigan

Founded: May 14, 1970

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $607,167,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 29.6%

MISSISSIPPI

GRAND BANK FOR SAVINGS, FSB

Location: Hattiesburg, Mississippi

Founded: January 1, 1968

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $161,125,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 38.9%

NORTH CAROLINA

MECHANICS & FARMERS BANK

Location: Durham, North Carolina

Founded: March 01, 1908

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $429,605,000

Asset Change (2022): UNCHANGED 

OHIO

ADELPHI BANK

Location: Columbus, Ohio

Founded: January 18, 2023

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $43,945,000

Asset Change (2022): N/A

OKLAHOMA

FIRST SECURITY BANK & TRUST

Location: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma

Founded: April 06, 1951

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $119,349,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 50.9%

PENNSYLVANIA

UNITED BANK OF PHILADELPHIA

Location: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Founded: March 23, 1992

FDIC Region: New York

Assets: $55,719,000

Asset Change (2022): DOWN 6.2%

SOUTH CAROLINA

OPTUS BANK

Location: Columbia, South Carolina

Founded: March 26, 1999

FDIC Region: Atlanta

Assets: $524,934,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 29.5%

TENNESSEE

CITIZENS SAVINGS B&T COMPANY

Location: Nashville, Tennessee

Founded: January 4, 1904

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $176,277,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 17.5%

TEXAS

UNITY NB OF HOUSTON

Location: Houston, Texas

Founded: August 01, 1985

FDIC Region: Dallas

Assets: $209,014,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 1.3%

WISCONSIN

COLUMBIA SAVINGS & LOAN ASSOCIATION 

Location: Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Founded: January 1, 1924

FDIC Region: Chicago

Assets: $27,374,000

Asset Change (2022): UP 11.6%

SOURCE: FDIC

African Americans Own $570.3 Billion Of America’s Stock Market Value – It Should Be $6 Trillion

“Investing should be more like watching paint dry or watching grass grow. If you want excitement, take $800 and go to Las Vegas.” – Paul Samuelson

A big number means absolutely nothing without context. Saying someone has a lot or a little of something does not tell you much of anything without a control variable to compare it to. This is absolutely one of the most troublesome things in conversation with many in African America where a number is presented like African America’s $1.5 trillion in buying power without asking – is that what is should be? How does it compare on a per person basis with other groups? What percentage of the overall buying power is it? It is in fact only 8 percent of America’s buying power while African America constitutes 12 percent of the U.S. population. Arguably then, African America’s buying power should be closer to $2.1 trillion or 40 percent greater than it is. When it comes to financial numbers we tend to personalize them thinking about if we (an individual) personally had that amount of money as opposed that amount of money spread across 40 million people or the budget necessary to run an entire institution versus a household. Again, context is not only important but imperative to understand what a number means and what it is actually telling you.

In 2020, the total equity market value of the U.S. stock market was $40.7 trillion according to Siblis Research. We asked Nova AI how much of the stock market is actually owned by African Americans, “A 2020 report by The Center for Economic and Policy Research, Black Americans held approximately 1.4% of the total value of U.S. listed public companies.” That amount equals out to the aforementioned $570.3 billion and at first glance it sounds like a tremendous amount, but further analysis says otherwise. First, it is a value that is equal to only 1.4 percent of the total equity market value. Secondly, if African America owned a representative amount of the total equity market value in correlation to our population (12 percent) it would be worth $6.1 trillion or almost 11 times the current ownership value. Lastly, how much would that workout per African American? The $570.3 billion equals out to $12,160 per African American while the $6.1 trillion would work $129,990 per African American. That is every African American man, woman, and child. For a household of four, it is the difference between a family having stock ownership value of less than $50,000 per household versus almost $600,000 per household.

The impact of such a difference is almost hard to truly imagine and/or quantify. Homeownership would skyrocket through 50 percent for the first time in African America’s history without question. African American student loan debt would plummet. HBCU endowments would skyrocket. African American banks, businesses, and nonprofits would flourish in ways not seen since the early 1900s. Access to mental and physical health would be a norm instead of a dogfight. Life expectancy would increase substantially. African American poverty would see significant drops. Marriage for African American would likely see a boom. The list goes on and on. A family with $600,000 in equity market value conservatively would produce $24,000 annually (4 percent yield) in dividend income for the household which is taxed at a lower rate than earned income (your job) and therefore would have African American households keeping more of their money. It would also establish a multigenerational emergency fund for an African American household. Something that seems almost unheard for the vast majority of us.

Headwinds for African American families to invest continue to be mountainous. African American median income is lowest among all groups and those African Americans who do find themselves with middle and high incomes tend to find themselves providing for immediate and extended families at a much higher rate than our European American counterparts. In 401(K)’s this shows up as European Americans contribute almost $300 a month while African Americans are just over $200. It may not sound like a huge difference, but when coupled over decades and compounding returns it can have a substantial impact on wealth building. There is also the severe lag in taxable investment accounts for African Americans. The majority of African American investors participate in the stock market strictly through their 401(K) and perhaps a IRA – both of which have annual contribution limits on them. Taxable investment accounts have unlimited contributions, easier to borrow against, more investment options, and easier to access in case of emergency, but according to a FINRA Foundation report, “Among African American respondents, 22 percent reported having a taxable investment account in 2012. The number rose to 26 percent in 2018 (see above).” In comparison, European and Asian American taxable accounts were at 35 and 41 percent, respectively. The latter two groups with higher median incomes, higher investment contributions, and as one sees significantly more taxable investment accounts make it a no wonder why their equity market value is significant head and shoulders above ours.

The answer while not a perfect one lies in group (small scale) and institutional (large scale) investing (ex. Investment Club: Definition, Advantages, How To Start One). Some downsides to group investing is finding likeminded people, consistent participation, employment volatility, less liquidity in case of an emergency. Upsides are more capital to scale investments with and generate greater returns, access to investments quicker allowing for compounding to take place longer, less individual risk, For instance, there is Black-owned real estate investment firm that offers mortgage notes at 20 percent annually, but the minimum is $5,000 to purchase a note. Saving $5,000 in a year is hard for a lot of households and if they can save that much they certainly do not want to lock it up in a note. With group investing perhaps with five people, then each is only responsible for $1,000 or just over $80 a month. Now your $1,000 is earning 20 percent when otherwise it would not be because of the minimum.

Institutional investing is arguably where the answer truly lies. African American institutions like our banks and credit unions, businesses, nonprofits, HBCU alumni associations and chapters, D9 organizations, HBCU endowments, and more do very little institutional investing. Instead, like many African American households most African American institutions hold the majority of their capital in cash and non-interest bearing accounts. The idea of our institutions being institutional investors even if they owned nothing more than vanilla ETFs (exchange-traded funds) like the SPY ETF (S&P 500) which is one of the safest entrees into the stock market investing seems like inventing fire for many African American institutions. Had any African American institution invested just $10,000 in the market in 2008 and held through 2021 that value would have increased over 400% to almost $43,000. Instead, most institutions like our households sat in cash and saw their $10,000 decline in value due to inflation and almost zero interest rates in savings accounts. The Divine 9 for instance has approximately 4 million members, if they could get 15 percent of that membership to give an extra $10 a year that would be $6 million per year able to invest in the stock market allowing the Divine 9 to be a substantive institutional investor and obviously on a scale that probably none of them could wield on their own without stress. That so many African American institutions have limited exposure to the stock market or none at all is arguably by far the greatest constraint on how much of the stock market’s value African America owns.

African America too often is looking to solve institutional problems with individual solutions. Workarounds, imagination, and institutional solutions are what is required if we are going to address much of the systemic mountains before us.