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The Deed and the Broom: What a Clark Atlanta Alum’s Return to San Francisco Teaches About Owning Black Culture, Not Just Staffing It

A house kept alive by donations, year after year, is not yet an institution. It is a beloved dependency — and the job of the leader who inherits it is to make it stop being one.– William A. Foster, IV

Dr. Murrell D. Green’s appointment as permanent Executive Director of San Francisco’s African American Art & Culture Complex is a leadership story. The balance sheet underneath it is the real story and it is one every institution builder in the Diaspora should be reading closely.

A boy swept the floor of a house that was not his. He was paid little and understood less, only that the house held things worth protecting; paintings, records, the particular quiet of people who had built something out of almost nothing. Years passed. The boy left, earned degrees, learned how institutions actually survive: budgets, boards, the difference between a gift and a foundation. When the house needed someone to hold its deed, the family that had raised it did not look for a stranger with a impressive resume. They looked for the boy who already knew where the floor creaked. He returned, not as a favor to his childhood, but because he alone understood that a house kept alive by donations year after year is not yet an institution. It is a beloved dependency. His first job was not to sweep. It was to ask who owns the walls, who owns the roof, and what happens the year the sweeping stops being enough.

The African American Art & Culture Complex in San Francisco’s Western Addition announced on June 1, 2026, that Dr. Murrell D. Green will become its permanent Executive Director, closing a six-month national search that drew more than 300 applicants. Coverage of the appointment has, understandably, centered on sentiment: a Fillmore native, raised in the shadow of the very building he now leads, returning home to steward a 32-year-old cultural institution. That framing is accurate. It is also incomplete. The more consequential story is what Dr. Green inherits financially, and what his selection signals about how HBCU-trained leadership is increasingly being asked to solve problems that Black cultural institutions have never fully solved for themselves — capital structure, revenue diversification, and reserve strength.

Dr. Green’s credentials read as a case study in institutional density built across multiple systems rather than one. He holds degrees from two PWIs, and most importantly Clark Atlanta University, and currently serves as Dean of Counseling and Wellness Services within the California Community College system. He previously sat as an elected Trustee of City College of San Francisco, having first been appointed by then-Mayor London Breed. His resume also includes President-Elect of the African American Male Education Network & Development, Board Vice President of Alive & Free/Omega Boys Club, and Advisory Board Chair for the Bayview YMCA. This is not a cultural sector career. It is a governance and education-administration career that happens to be arriving at a cultural institution and that distinction matters for how the Complex should now be run.

It matters because Dr. Green’s own history with the Complex predates his credentials. He served the organization years ago as Office Manager and Youth Leader, and, in a detail the Complex’s own announcement highlighted with evident affection, once played both Santa and “Wakanda Claus” at its community holiday events. The Board’s decision to return to a familiar face after a lengthy, well-publicized national search is itself an institutional signal worth reading. Continuity of relationship, not novelty of resume, was treated as the higher-value asset. For institutions built on community trust rather than market share, that is often the correct call but it is a call that only pays off if the returning leader is empowered to change the underlying model, not simply preserve it.

The Complex’s own recent history underscores why continuity was treated as a strategic asset rather than a consolation choice. Dr. Green succeeds Niquole Esters, who served as Interim Executive Director beginning last August after the departure of co-directors Melonie and Melorra Green (no relation) following eight years of joint leadership. In a short window, Esters opened a building-wide exhibition on artist Emory Douglas that drew significant crowds and press coverage, overhauled the Complex’s communications infrastructure, and expanded its Community Day partnerships. The Board’s public praise for that tenure suggests the institution enters this transition with operational momentum rather than crisis. That is a genuine advantage. It is also a reason the coming period should be judged on capital strategy, not merely on programming and visibility, both of which the Complex has already demonstrated it can produce.

That underlying model is where the self-interest case begins. Public tax filings show the Complex generated $3.84 million in revenue against $3.43 million in expenses for the fiscal year ending June 2024, a net gain of roughly $410,000 and net assets of $1.42 million. On its face, a healthy year. Underneath it, a structurally fragile one: contributions accounted for 85.9 percent of total revenue, program services for just 7.9 percent, and investment income for zero dollars — in any year on record. The building itself, a 32,000-square-foot former brewery converted into cultural space across the 1980s and ’90s, is owned outright by the City and County of San Francisco, not the Complex. The organization that Dr. Green now leads appears to hold no real estate, no endowment, and no investment portfolio. It holds relationships, and it converts those relationships into contributions, year after year, at whatever rate donors are willing to sustain.

That rate is not stable. The prior fiscal year, ending June 2023, produced $4.45 million in revenue but a net loss of $188,000. The year before that, ending June 2022, produced a net loss of $138,861. A donation-dependent institution with no investment income and no owned capital does not merely risk a bad year it risks a bad year becoming a permanent contraction, because there is no reserve architecture designed to absorb it. This is the same structural vulnerability that HBCU Money has documented repeatedly in HBCU endowment reporting: thin reserves, revenue concentration in gifts rather than diversified income, and an absence of owned, appreciating assets standing between the institution and its next difficult fiscal year. The Complex is not an HBCU. But it is subject to the identical arithmetic, and it is now led by someone whose training runs directly through one.

The timing raises the stakes further. The Complex’s building at 762 Fulton Street is slated to close temporarily for seismic renovation beginning in January 2027 — seven months into Dr. Green’s tenure. A forced closure of a donation-dependent institution’s only physical venue is precisely the scenario a thin balance sheet is least equipped to survive. Board Vice President Mattie Scott framed the closure as a test of resilience, the certainty that the Complex will reopen stronger. That certainty will be manufactured by financial planning, not sentiment, and it is now Dr. Green’s job to manufacture it.

There is a broader pattern here worth naming plainly for readers building their own institutions across the Diaspora. Clark Atlanta, like Fisk, Tougaloo, Dillard, and Xavier of Louisiana, continues to produce administrators who move into leadership of civic and cultural institutions well outside the HBCU ecosystem itself, an export of trained human capital that rarely gets counted in conversations about HBCU return on investment, but that compounds institutional capacity across Black America regardless of which building the leader ultimately sits in. The question African American institution builders should be tracking over the next eighteen months is not whether Dr. Green succeeds as a beloved, familiar presence. He clearly already has. The question is whether he converts an institution held together by annual generosity into one held together by owned capital; diversified program revenue, an actual investment posture, and reserves sized to survive a scheduled closure rather than merely announce faith in the reopening.

That is the difference between staffing a culture and owning it. San Francisco’s Black community will be watching Dr. Green’s leadership for what it means to the Fillmore. Institution builders elsewhere in the Diaspora should be watching it for what it reveals about the financial architecture underneath nearly every comparable Black cultural institution in the country and whether HBCU-trained leadership can finally be the generation that rebuilds that architecture, not just occupies it.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ClaudeAI.

The Million Dollar Gift Club: 2018’s Seven Figure Donations To HBCUs Led By Spelman College

An uptick overall, but more importantly a bounce back for HBCUs is how 2018 would be described in the land of the big philanthropy. The Center for Philanthropy reported 497 gifts of $1 million or more to all colleges and universities. After a sluggish few years, HBCUs have seen the most $1 million plus gifts since 2014. In terms of pure dollar amount, this year’s class has bested them all since HBCU Money began tracking the data six years ago with $43 million combined among the HBCUs obtaining gifts.

High-quality donors (who give consistently and over their lifetime will probably give six to seven figures of donations) continue to show up for HBCUs, but still not representative of HBCUs presence in America’s higher education landscape. While HBCUs represent three percent of the country’s colleges, this year only 1.4 percent of the 497 $1m plus donations found their way to an HBCU. Tranformative donors (who can change the paradigm of an entire institution with one donation) continue to elude HBCUs all together, while PWI/HWCUs landed 13 donations of $100 million plus in 2018.

The gap this year between top seven PWI/HWCU gifts totaled $2.94 billion while HBCUs as mentioned totaled $43 million or a $68 to $1 ratio.

1. Ronda E. Stryker & William D. Johnsont (pictured) – $30 million
Recipient: Spelman College
Source of Wealth: Health products

2. Seth & Beth Klarman  – $5 million                                                        Recipient: Spelman College
Source of Wealth: Finance

3. Roland Parrish – $3 million
Recipient: Fisk University
Source of Wealth: Food & beverage

4. Gene & Patsy Ponder – $2 million
Recipient: Wiley College
Source of Wealth: Manufacturing

5. Kenya & Rainbow Barris (tie) – $1 million                                                        Recipient: Clark Atlanta University
Source of Wealth: Entertainment

5. Irvin & Pamela Reid (tie) – $1 million
Recipient: Howard University
Source of Wealth: Education

5. Denzel Washington (tie) – $1 million
Recipient: Wiley College
Source of Wealth: Media & entertainment

 

Source: Chronicle of Philanthropy

 

 

Donate To Every School In The CIAA/SIAC Challenge

How many HBCUs have you donated money too? Below are the jump pages for every CIAA/SIAC school and/or foundation’s giving page. We challenge HBCU alumni to give to their own and as many HBCUs as possible.

There are 25 HBCUs between the CIAA and SIAC with approximately 75,000 students. The two historic HBCU conferences cover a lot of geography from the Midwest to the Southeast and up the eastern coast.

Albany State University Give Now

Albany State University Foundation

Benedict College Give Now

Bowie State University Give Now

Bowie State University Foundation

Central State University Give Now

Central State University Foundation

Claflin University Give Now

Clark Atlanta University Give Now

Elizabeth City State University Give Now

Elizabeth City State University Foundation

Fayetteville State University Give Now

Fort Valley State University Give Now

Fort Valley State University Foundation

Johnson C. Smith University Give Now

Kentucky State University Give Now

Kentucky State University Foundation

Lane College Give Now

LeMoyne-Owen College Give Now

Lincoln University Give Now

The Lincoln Fund

Livingstone College Give Now

Miles College Give Now

Morehouse College Give Now

Paine College Give Now

Saint Augustine’s University Give Now

Savannah State University Give Now

Savannah State University Foundation

Tuskegee University Give Now

Virginia State University Give Now

Virginia State University Foundation

Virginia Union University Give Now

Winston-Salem State University Give Now

Winston-Salem State University Foundation

HBCU Money™ Presents: 2016-2017’s Private HBCU Presidents By Salary/Compensation

HBCU Money’s inaugural gathering of presidential salaries at the nation’s private HBCUs.

HIGHLIGHTS

  • Out of 570 reported private college & universities presidential salaries’ from American colleges & universities, 58 (or 10 percent) earned more than $1 million annually in compensation.
  • America’s top 5 paid private university presidents’ compensation ($16.7 million) is almost six times greater than the top 5 paid private HBCU university presidents’ ($3.07 million) on our list.
  • 8 of the 11 private HBCUs present have graduate/professional programs.

Wayne Frederick Howard University – $1,049,522

Norman Francis* Xavier University (LA) – $631,883

William Harvey Hampton University – $539,384

Beverly Tatum* Spelman College – $446,334

David Carlisle Charles Drew University (Medical) – $429,302

John Wilson Morehouse College – $424,519

Edison Jackson Bethune-Cookman University – $409,823

Carlton Brown* Clark Atlanta University – $389,995

Brian Johnson Tuskegee University – $335,000

Ronald Carter Johnson C. Smith University – $261,899

Walter Kimbrough Dillard University – $238,125

Ronald Johnson* Clark Atlanta University – $234,701

C. Reynold Verret Xavier University (LA) – $194,154

Mary Campbell* – Spelman College – $191,126

*Partial-year compensation

Source: The Chronicle of Higher Education

The Conundrum Of HBCUs & American Campus Communities

Glorious shall be the battle when the time comes to fight for our people and our race. – Marcus Garvey

It is often preached that one of the major obstacles to African American economic development is the inability for the African American dollar to circulate within the community. This is often viewed on an individual level by where African Americans shop or eat, but what about at the institutional level? Do African American businesses and institutions like HBCUs also have a role to play in the circulation of the dollar? The answer is without a doubt, yes. Perhaps even more so and more impactful than anything individuals can do. Yet, it seems that when it comes to real estate development and student housing, specifically HBCUs have missed a golden opportunity to circulate millions of dollars within the African American economic ecosystem. To be more blunt, they have failed. That land development is not more revered is somewhat remiss given the lore of the 40 acres and a mule legacy within our communities, but our lack of strategic integration has become others opportunities.

American Campus Communities is a real estate investment trust (REIT) that was co-founded in 1993 by Bill Blayless. Its primary developments are as their name suggest focused on college and universities both on and off campus and primarily housing with some retail mixed in. They have built 206 developments spread across 96 colleges of which 11 have been built on 7 HBCU campuses. Prairie View A&M University, which has a twenty year relationship with ACC,  has the most with four developments with the most recent one opening in 2017. ACC as they are known by their ticker symbol is publicly traded with a market capitalization of $6.1 billion and annual revenue of almost three-quarters of a billion dollars. They have a unique niche in the campus housing development space. However, the story does not simply end there.

If HBCUs are going to do business with developers that are not African American and more importantly HBCU alumni, then there should be something that compels them to do so. A company with an outstanding track record for diversity, a stake of the company in their endowment portfolio, etc. Yet, further examination of American Campus Communities leaves serious questions about exactly who is making the decisions to use them for HBCUs. Of the company’s executive team, senior officers, and board of directors there is not one African American present and no HBCU alumni present either. In fact, there are no ethnic minorities period on the aforementioned groups and only a handful of women. What are decisions like this saying to our community that we so passionately claim to be saying we have the interest of? Are we to believe that there are no African American real estate developers who we trust or are worthy of such projects?

Bob Johnson, Sharon Johnson, and Quintin Primo, three African American real estate developers with a combined net worth of almost $2 billion, have developed multi-faceted real estate development corporations and are nationally known certainly would seem more than capable of handling the multi-millions worth of development that happens at HBCUs. There are likely hundreds if not thousands of local African American developers as well like Sharone Mayberry in Houston, Texas who renovated Unity Bank, the only African American owned bank in Texas, and is leading the efforts of renovation in Houston’s historic Third Ward.

It is hardly a surprise that some of these HBCUs are being directed who to use or even having it chosen for them as six of the seven HBCUs who have ACC developments are state schools with Clark Atlanta University being the one private school. Being a public university means that public politics from the gubernatorial office and state politicians have a heavy influence on who receives government and public contracts for work throughout the state. This probably comes with a concerted lobbying effort by ACC to select politicians who make the decisions. The autonomy that state/public schools among the smaller schools (see HBCUs) often marginalizes their decision making while the state’s flagships tend to have the political capital to leverage their own autonomous decisions as it relates to almost every facet of their strategic decision making.

To be clear, this is not a suggestion that all American Campus Communities needs to do is add a token African American to their executive team or board and all is right in the world. That would still not create institutional circulation of the African American dollar and ultimately that is what this is about. If embracing the true circulation and creating a multiplying effect it would take HBCUs concerting with African American financial institutions to sell the bonds that would raise the funds for such construction, then taking that funding and having a request for proposals that ensured HBCU engineers, architects, and developers were a healthy percentage of those who were vying for the bid. Something akin to the Rooney Rule that the NFL uses in ensuring minority coaches get interviewed for head coaching positions that come available. The fact that HBCUs do not seem to be making a more vigorous effort to do this is troublesome.

Time and time again, African American institutions, be it HBCUs, churches, or businesses operate in their own bubble and are not more purposeful in integrating themselves, which makes the dollar within our communities even more difficult to circulate and therefore antagonistic to our institutional economic development. Alumni must deepen their resolve to be involved in not only fundraising for HBCUs, but auditing where those dollars go once they are received. It would be prudent if alumni demanded accountability of just how much of the annual services and products were bought from businesses owned by HBCU alumni. There is a long way to go in moving the needle on circulating our dollars more effectively, but a $10 meal at an African American restaurant versus hundreds of millions in development deals between HBCUs and our own real estate developers is a stark difference in getting us there.