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A Merger of (Potential) Might: Why Prairie View A&M and Texas Southern Should Combine Their Foundations to Challenge the Endowment Establishment

It is reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision. – Barbara Jordan

In the gilded halls of America’s elite universities, financial firepower is both a symbol and source of dominance. Endowments—the great silent engines of academia—determine not only which students get scholarships but which schools can recruit Nobel-calibre faculty, fund original research, and shape public policy. At the apex of this order stands UTIMCO, the University of Texas and Texas A&M’s investment juggernaut, with more than $70 billion under management. Below, far below, exist the undercapitalised yet ambitious Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) of Texas.

Two of the state’s largest HBCUs—Prairie View A&M University (PVAMU) and Texas Southern University (TSU)—have long histories, loyal alumni, and vital missions. What they do not have is institutional wealth. PVAMU’s foundation reported a modest $1.83 million in net assets in 2022. TSU’s foundation, better capitalised, holds $22.7 million. Combined, that amounts to just $24.5 million. For comparison, Rice University, less than 50 miles from either campus, holds an endowment north of $7.8 billion.

That yawning disparity matters. But it also presents an opportunity: a merger of the two foundations into a single, more potent philanthropic and investment entity. Done properly, it could reorient how Black higher education competes—not by appealing to fairness or guilt, but through scale, strategy, and institutional force.

A Rebalancing Act

To understand the potential of a PVAMU-TSU foundation merger, one must first grasp the dynamics of university endowments. Large endowments benefit from economies of scale, granting them access to exclusive investment opportunities—private equity, venture capital, hedge funds—often unavailable to smaller players. They attract the best fund managers, demand lower fees, and can weather market volatility without compromising their missions. Small foundations, by contrast, tend to be conservatively invested, costly to manage per dollar, and too fragmented to punch above their weight.

A consolidated HBCU foundation in Texas would be small compared to UTIMCO, but large relative to its peers. With a $25 million corpus as a starting point, the new entity could position itself for growth by professionalising its investment strategy, adopting a more ambitious donor engagement plan, and forming partnerships with Black-owned banks, family offices, and community institutions. Call it the Texas Black Excellence Fund, or perhaps, more simply, the TexHBCU Endowment.

To be sure, the legal and logistical barriers to such a merger are real. Foundation boards guard their autonomy jealously. Alumni pride can turn parochial. Governance models would need careful negotiation to ensure representation and avoid turf wars. But the arguments in favour are compelling.

The Power of One

First, a merger would cut overhead. Legal, accounting, auditing, and compliance costs—duplicated today—could be streamlined. A joint fundraising apparatus could create a single point of entry for corporate partners and high-net-worth donors. Branding efforts would gain coherence: instead of competing for attention, the institutions would stand together as a symbol of Black institutional unity and strength.

Second, scale invites leverage. A $25 million foundation cannot change the world overnight, but it can attract co-investments, engage in pooled funds, and perhaps even launch a purpose-driven asset management firm in the model of UTIMCO. If successful, this would be the first Black-led institutional investor of serious size in Texas—capable not only of managing endowment funds but of influencing broader economic flows across Black Texas.

Third, the merger would send a strategic signal to policymakers and philanthropic networks. It would say, in effect: “We are no longer asking for permission to grow. We are building the engine ourselves.” That tone matters. Too often, HBCUs are framed as needing rescue. A merged foundation flips that narrative. It becomes an asset allocator, a market participant, a builder of capital rather than a petitioner of it.

UTIMCO: A Goliath in the Crosshairs?

No one expects a $25 million fund to challenge a $70 billion behemoth. But that is not the point. UTIMCO’s dominance is as much political as it is financial. Its influence flows from its role as gatekeeper to resources, shaping everything from campus architecture to graduate fellowships. The merged HBCU foundation would not dethrone UTIMCO—it would decentralise power by becoming a second pole.

Indeed, the comparison may inspire mimicry. Just as UTIMCO serves multiple institutions, so too could a joint HBCU foundation. Prairie View and Texas Southern are only the beginning. Over time, the model could scale to include other Black-serving institutions across Texas and the South. This would amplify investment impact and accelerate institutional wealth-building.

Moreover, such a foundation could adopt an unapologetically developmental investment strategy. Where UTIMCO optimises for returns, the TexHBCU fund could optimise for both returns and racial equity—by investing in Black entrepreneurs, affordable housing, climate-resilient infrastructure, or educational tech. The dual mandate—profit and purpose—would not be a hindrance but a hallmark.

Regional Stakes

Prairie View sits on a rural hilltop. Texas Southern sprawls in urban Houston. But their communities are deeply connected—culturally, economically, demographically. A combined foundation could create regional development strategies that go beyond scholarship aid.

Imagine a venture fund seeding Black-owned start-ups in Houston’s Third Ward. A real estate initiative turning vacant lots into mixed-income housing for PVAMU students and local residents. A workforce development fund retraining returning citizens for green jobs across both cities. Each dollar invested becomes more than a balance sheet entry; it becomes a force for transformation.

This matters not just to students and faculty, but to the broader Texas economy. Black Texans make up 13% of the state population but own less than 3% of its small businesses. Educational attainment gaps persist. Institutional neglect deepens. The merger would not fix all this—but it would give the community a new tool for shaping its destiny.

Copy, Then Paste

If the model works, it would not stay in Texas. Southern University in Louisiana has multiple campuses and foundations that could benefit from consolidation. So does the University System of Maryland’s HBCUs. Indeed, the entire sector could adopt a federated endowment strategy—unified in purpose but distributed in governance.

HBCUs have long suffered from institutional atomisation. They are asked to compete individually in a system that rewards consolidation. Merging foundations is not just a finance play—it is a strategy for survival and sovereignty.

The Alternative: Stagnation

Critics may say a merger is too ambitious. That it risks alumni backlash or donor confusion. That it could take years to execute. But delay is itself a cost. Each year the foundations remain separate is another year of opportunity lost. Another year where millions in potential returns go unrealised. Another year where larger institutions deepen their lead.

PVAMU and TSU have histories to be proud of. But institutional pride must not become institutional inertia. A merger is not surrender—it is evolution.

In the long arc of higher education, moments of boldness define legacy. This is one of those moments. Two foundations. One future. Let the uniting begin.

Ohio’s Unclaimed Billions Could Empower Central State and Wilberforce Instead of Enriching the NFL

You can’t have political power unless you have economic power. You can’t have economic power unless you own something. — Dr. Claud Anderson

In the quiet towns of Wilberforce, Ohio, two institutions — Central State University and Wilberforce University — have stood for generations as monuments of African American intellectual resilience and historical fortitude. Founded in eras when the very idea of African American higher education was radical, both institutions have graduated engineers, entrepreneurs, theologians, and teachers who seeded entire Black communities with knowledge and leadership. Yet, in 2025, they remain financially fragile — their endowments barely grazing the thresholds needed for robust institutional health.

Meanwhile, Governor Mike DeWine just approved $600 million in state funds — sourced from Ohio’s $4.8 billion in unclaimed assets — to support the Cleveland Browns’ new domed stadium in Brook Park, an NFL franchise owned by billionaires. The Haslam Sports Group, the Browns’ owners, is contributing an additional $1.2 billion to the project, and Cuyahoga County is expected to round out the financing with another $600 million. The stadium, estimated at $2.4 billion, is framed as a jobs and tourism engine — the typical rationale for professional sports subsidies. But beneath the surface lies a deeply racialized economic pattern: Black bodies as capital, Black institutions as afterthoughts.

Let us state this plainly — $200 million in endowment funding (split between Central State and Wilberforce University) would account for just 4.17% of the $4.8 billion in unclaimed assets Ohio plans to repurpose. Yet it would transform the future of two of America’s most storied HBCUs, whose total combined endowments likely do not reach even $20 million today.

The $200 Million That Could Rebuild Black Educational Futures

An endowment is the economic engine of institutional independence. It enables faculty hiring, scholarships, research labs, infrastructure repair, and the kind of multi-generational planning that insulates a university from the unpredictable winds of politics and philanthropy.

  • Central State University, Ohio’s only public HBCU, receives state support — but suffers from persistent underfunding compared to Ohio’s predominantly white public institutions.
  • Wilberforce University, a private HBCU affiliated with the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the first college owned and operated by African Americans, has been in survival mode for decades, enduring accreditation threats and enrollment declines — largely due to chronic financial starvation.

A $100 million endowment per institution, conservatively managed with a 5% annual drawdown, would provide each HBCU with $5 million per year in perpetuity. That’s enough to:

  • Offer full-ride scholarships to dozens, if not hundreds, of students.
  • Endow faculty chairs in business, STEM, and African American studies.
  • Fund campus maintenance and restoration for aging facilities.
  • Launch centers focused on African American policy, agriculture, or entrepreneurship.
  • Reduce reliance on tuition and thus open doors to more low-income students.

In short, it would empower these institutions to build, not just survive.

Meanwhile, the Billionaire NFL Franchise Gets a Taxpayer Bailout

The Cleveland Browns’ new stadium is not just an economic development plan — it’s a public-funded monument to private wealth. Let us remember: The NFL is a tax-exempt cartel whose franchises are operated by billionaires and whose profits — through broadcast rights, luxury boxes, and merchandise — soar year after year.

The public rationale for subsidizing stadiums is that they will generate jobs, tourism, and long-term economic vitality. Yet, study after study from economists across ideological spectrums consistently shows that these promises are overstated or entirely unfounded. Most NFL stadiums create a short-term construction boom, followed by long-term debt and opportunity costs.

But perhaps more galling is this: the economic lifeblood of the NFL is disproportionately Black men. While roughly 13% of the U.S. population is Black, nearly 60% of NFL players are African American. These players, often trained in underfunded high schools, many from single-parent households and first-generation college trajectories, generate billions — yet the communities and institutions from which they originate remain underdeveloped and neglected.

It is a grotesque inversion: Black talent builds white wealth, while Black institutions remain marginal.

Black Athletes, White Wealth, and the Poverty of Institutional Ownership

The NFL, and by extension the Cleveland Browns, benefits from a system where the labor is Black, but the ownership is almost entirely white. Out of 32 NFL teams, only one have non-white principal owners: Shahid Khan, a Pakistani-American who owns the Jacksonville Jaguars.

Meanwhile, no HBCU alum holds equity in any major professional sports franchise, despite HBCUs being core contributors to the American athletic pipeline that fuels leagues like the NFL and NBA.

Despite producing generations of elite athletes, coaches, and sports executives, no collective of HBCU alumni has leveraged its wealth or influence to acquire equity in a major professional sports franchise, leaving the economic rewards of Black athletic labor concentrated elsewhere.

Imagine a model where Ohio had used even half of the $600 million to create a Black Education & Sports Endowment, partially controlled by a consortium of HBCUs, Black public schools, and community development organizations. The returns from that endowment could support thousands of students, community health centers, literacy programs, and STEM labs for generations.

Instead, we see yet another example of extractive economics, where African American physical, cultural, and intellectual capital is used to build empires for others, while Black institutions — including HBCUs — remain dependent on begging, philanthropy, and hope.

Why Unclaimed Funds Should Serve The Forgotten

Ohio’s decision to redirect $1.7 billion in unclaimed funds to cover state expenditures is fiscally creative — but morally questionable. These are not “free” funds. They are monies left in dormant bank accounts, uncashed checks, unclaimed insurance payouts — many of which disproportionately belong to low-income individuals who lacked the resources or knowledge to retrieve them.

Data suggests that Black Americans are disproportionately represented among unclaimed property holders — in part due to higher levels of economic displacement, address changes, and financial exclusion. Redirecting these funds to subsidize an NFL franchise, instead of redressing the institutional and educational gaps that created that unclaimed status, is a betrayal.

Ohio could have:

  • Created a permanent Black Higher Education Trust, benefiting Central State and Wilberforce.
  • Used 5% of unclaimed funds — about $240 million — to fund Black-led public health initiatives in underserved areas.
  • Directed even 1% of those funds — roughly $48 million — to finance land acquisition and economic development for Black-owned businesses.

Instead, we’ve chosen to rescue billionaires from spending their own money.

HBCU Endowments Are An Economic Empowerment Issue — And the Gateway to Political Power

Endowments are more than just financial assets. They are strategic tools of power — insulating institutions from political winds, enabling bold experimentation, and giving their stakeholders the leverage to influence policy, not just plead for it.

For African America, the chronic undercapitalization of HBCUs is not merely a funding gap — it is an economic power vacuum that undercuts the entire community’s ability to advocate effectively for systemic redress.

While Williams College and Bowdoin College — small liberal arts schools with fewer than 2,500 students — boast endowments of $3.7 billion and $2.58 billion respectively, many HBCUs operate with endowments under $50 million, and some under $10 million. This discrepancy is not accidental. It is the compounding result of centuries of exclusion from generational wealth accumulation, philanthropic networks, and public investment.

Until African American institutions — especially HBCUs — are armed with independent and sizable capital, they will remain vulnerable to the whims of legislatures, accreditation bodies, and philanthropic trends. Worse, they will lack the institutional might to challenge inequity in courtrooms, boardrooms, and ballot boxes.

The fight for reparations, education equity, health justice, and fair housing requires leverage — and leverage requires capital. Political power without economic power is temporary and transactional. But economic power institutionalized through endowments can translate into permanent seats at the table, not just access to it.

Endowing HBCUs, then, is not a charitable gesture. It is a foundational strategy for African American sovereignty and redress. Without institutions that are capable of outlasting election cycles and media trends, African America will continue fighting uphill with borrowed tools and limited voice.

Ohio had a chance to fund that future. Instead, it chose to subsidize a stadium — once again reminding us: until we build our own institutions, we will always be asked to cheer from the stands while others profit from our play.merican educational infrastructure for the next 100 years. Instead, he invested in a stadium with a 20-year shelf life.

Choose the Future You Fund

In 2029, a new domed stadium will open in Brook Park. It will gleam with LED lights and imported steel. It will be filled with cheering fans on Sundays and concerts on Saturdays. The Browns may even win a playoff game or two.

But just 50 miles away, on the campuses of Wilberforce and Central State, students will still walk cracked sidewalks. Professors will still work on contracts. Students will still withdraw for financial reasons.

Unless Ohio chooses to invest in the institutions that nurture and protect Black futures, those futures will continue to be harvested but never planted.

This is not just about football. It is about the future of Black Ohio. And whether our institutions will ever be allowed to rise beyond survival — and into sovereignty.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

From Showtime to Shutout: What the Lakers Sale Says About Black Ownership in Sports

“Wealth is created in ownership. If you don’t own, you’re always at someone else’s mercy.” – Robert F. Smith

June 2025’s record-shattering $10 billion sale of the Los Angeles Lakers to Guggenheim Partners chief Mark Walter confirmed what many already suspected: franchise values are rocketing into the financial stratosphere. Yet the deal also spotlighted a harsher truth. After nearly a half-century of hard-court brilliance and gridiron dominance, African Americans are still largely locked out of true ownership power. This article examines why—tracing the structural barriers that keep Black wealth on the playing field instead of in the owner’s suite, and outlining the institutional reforms needed to change the score.

From the Field to the Boardroom: Still a One-Way Street

African Americans make up roughly 70–75 percent of NBA players and about 60–65 percent of NFL rosters. In the WNBA, the share is even higher. Yet across 154 combined franchises in the NBA, NFL, MLB, and NHL:

  • Zero teams are majority-owned by African Americans in the NFL, MLB, or NHL.
  • Only one historic example (Robert L. Johnson’s Charlotte Bobcats/Hornets) and one recent example (Michael Jordan, 2010–2023) exist in the NBA.

Three forces keep that door shut:

  1. Intergenerational-Wealth Deficit – Most Black athletes are first-generation millionaires, while many current owners are third- or fourth-generation billionaires.
  2. Limited Collective Capital Vehicles – Black-controlled banks and investment firms are few and undercapitalized relative to mainstream counterparts.
  3. Opaque League Gatekeeping – Franchise valuations above $4 billion and insider-driven vetting processes deter new entrants without deep networks.

The Robert L. Johnson Breakthrough—And the Mirage of Progress

On December 18, 2002, BET founder Robert L. Johnson secured the NBA’s Charlotte expansion franchise for $300 million, becoming the first African American majority owner of a modern U.S. pro team. The milestone was historic, but it proved fragile. Lacking a pipeline of Black institutional capital—no HBCU endowment co-investors, no African American businesses or firms operating as minority owners—Johnson operated alone. By 2010 he sold controlling interest to Michael Jordan, whose own 2023 exit returned the league to its status quo: African American talent on the court, minimal African American equity off it. Symbolic breakthroughs absent institutional follow-through do not create sustainable inclusion.

The LeBron Conundrum: Cultural Power Without Governance Leverage

Billion-dollar athlete-entrepreneur LeBron James epitomizes the new Black business titan—owning film studios, apparel lines, and minority stakes in Fenway Sports Group. Yet even LeBron, arguably the most financially astute athlete of his generation, cannot write a solo check for a majority share of an NBA or NFL team. Average franchise prices now exceed $4 billion in the NBA and $6.5 billion in the NFL.

LeBron’s estimated net worth, while staggering at $1.2 billion, pales in comparison to the financial firepower wielded by new Lakers controlling owner Mark Walter, who is worth an estimated $5.5 to $6 billion personally—and controls access to far greater institutional capital. As CEO of Guggenheim Partners, Walter leads a global financial firm with over $345 billion in assets under management (AUM), according to the firm’s own reporting.

That institutional reach gives Walter an unparalleled advantage: the ability to deploy capital at scale, with leverage, and over long time horizons. His 2012 acquisition of the Los Angeles Dodgers for $2 billion was just the beginning. Now, his control over the Lakers reflects how ownership is secured not by personal wealth alone—but by deep institutional infrastructure.

The gap is not merely one of celebrity or business acumen—it is one of capital architecture. LeBron’s wealth is largely rooted in earned income and venture-backed enterprises, while Walter’s access to Guggenheim’s multi-hundred-billion-dollar asset base enables him to execute major acquisitions swiftly and without co-investors.

Until African Americans gain collective control of similar institutional investment vehicles—through private equity firms, pension-managed funds, or bank-led syndicates—Black excellence in sports will continue to be celebrated on the court, but denied authority in the boardroom.

Building a Syndicate That Can Actually Write a Check

If African Americans are to move from the highlight reel to the cap table, the capital stack must shift from aspirational community pooling to institutional syndication—driven by organizations already designed to deploy large checks and assume complex risk. Pragmatism, not idealism, is the order of the day.

Capital SourceAsset BaseRealistic Deployment Rationale
Black-Owned Banks (18 nationwide)$6.4 billion in assetsFDIC-insured balance sheets, access to low-cost deposits—including the growing wave of Fortune 500 “diversity deposits”—can underwrite debt facilities or pledge Tier 1 capital to a buyout fund.
Black Investment & Private-Equity Firms (e.g., Ariel, Vista, Fairview, RLJ)$70–90 billion AUM (collectively)Deep GP/LP relationships with public pensions and foundations; experienced at assembling $100–$500 million special-purpose vehicles (SPVs) around a single asset.
HBCU Endowments (102 institutions)≈ $5 billion totalAsk for 0.5–1 percent commitments per school—$25–50 million system-wide—providing research access, internships, and brand equity rather than acting as anchors.
Athlete Sidecar FundVariableStructure a managed feeder that lets players co-invest passively (no tithes or self-directing). Capital is professionally deployed—removing behavioral risk.
Corporate & Public PensionsTrillionsMany plans reserve 5–10 percent for “emerging managers.” A Black-led sports-ownership PE fund fits this mandate.

1. Banks as Capital Bridges
Black-owned banks can’t buy teams outright, but they can warehouse capital and extend critical financial infrastructure. By leveraging corporate “diversity deposits” and issuing credit facilities, they can become crucial intermediaries that keep transaction fees and governance influence in Black hands.

2. Investment Firms as Syndicate Architects
Black-led PE firms already understand the terrain. By structuring a flagship $400–$600 million sports-focused fund, they can attract institutional LPs and scale their acquisitions from minority WNBA stakes to majority control in emerging or undervalued leagues.

3. HBCUs as Modest Strategic LPs
HBCUs should not be burdened with anchoring such funds. Instead, they can contribute symbolic capital, student talent pipelines, and academic value. For example, a 1 percent commitment from Howard or Spelman tied to naming rights or internship guarantees would align mission with opportunity.

4. Athletes & African American Families as Co-Investors, Not Donors
A feeder fund with low buy-ins and lock-up periods allows them to invest with institutional support. This protects them from high-risk self-management and ensures alignment with professional fund managers.

5. Execution Timeline

  • 2026–2028: Assemble GP team, secure $150 million from banks and PE partners, with layered support from HBCUs and athlete and African American businesses co-investors.
  • 2028–2032: Close a $500 million Fund I and acquire equity in two WNBA teams and a controlling NWSL stake bundled with real estate.
  • 2032–2037: Launch Fund II at $1 billion, targeting a controlling interest in an MLS or NBA franchise.
  • 2040: Own a major-league asset with governance representation from African American banks, investment firms, and HBCU partners—creating long-term cash flows and intergenerational wealth held by Black institutions.

Media Rights and the Power Gap

Owning teams is only half the battle. The NBA’s next domestic media deal could top $75 billion, and yet no Black-owned network will participate directly in those revenues. Streaming platforms, RSNs, data-analytics firms, and betting partnerships—all profit off Black athletic performance. Until African American institutions enter the media-rights supply chain, the revenue fountainhead remains out of reach.

Cultural Iconography, Financial Dispossession

Hip-hop tracks blare in arenas, sneaker culture drives merchandise sales, and social-media highlights fuel league engagement—but licensing profits flow to predominantly white ownership groups. Careers end; ownership dynasties do not. The average NFL tenure is 3.3 years; Robert Kraft has owned the Patriots for 31 years. Equity compounds; salaries evaporate.

From the Boardroom, Not the Ball Court: Where Owners Really Make Their Money

A glaring misconception is that sports fortunes begin with sports talent. In practice, franchise control stems from non-sports industries:

OwnerTeam(s)Primary Wealth Source
Steve BallmerLA ClippersMicrosoft stock
Stan KroenkeRams, Nuggets, ArsenalReal estate / Walmart marital fortune
Robert KraftPatriotsPaper & packaging
Mark CubanMavericksBroadcast.com tech exit
Joe TsaiNets, LibertyAlibaba IPO
Josh HarrisCommanders, 76ersApollo Global Mgmt. (private equity)

None earned money playing pro sports; all deployed patient, appreciating, often tax-advantaged capital to buy franchises. In contrast, athlete income is earned, highly taxed, and front-loaded. A $200 million NBA contract, after taxes, agents, and lifestyle inflation, seldom equals the liquidity needed for a $6 billion NFL acquisition.

African Americans dominate labor yet rely on labor income to pursue ownership—an uphill climb when the ownership class uses diversified portfolios, inheritance, and leverage. The gap is not just financial; it’s structural.

A Blueprint Forward

African American banks, PE firms, and institutional investors must build syndicates that mirror the strategies of the existing ownership class—while rooting the returns inside Black institutions.

  • 2026–2030 – Launch a $500 million Fund I with contributions from banks, investment firms, HBCUs, and athletes.
  • 2030–2035 – Acquire multiple minority and controlling stakes in undervalued leagues.
  • 2035–2045 – Expand into media-rights, merchandising, and facilities ownership.
  • 2045–2050 – Control a major-league asset and use it to empower future generations via scholarships, pensions, research grants, and equity reinvestment.

Owning the Game—or Owning What Funds the Game?

The persistent call for African American ownership in major league sports raises a deeper question: Should African Americans even prioritize owning sports franchises, when we remain almost entirely absent from the very industries—technology, finance, energy, real estate—that generate the wealth used to buy these teams in the first place?

Mark Walter didn’t become the Lakers’ majority owner through basketball. He did it through Guggenheim Partners—a financial firm managing $345 billion in assets. Steve Ballmer bought the Clippers not from years of courtside ambition, but from cashing out Microsoft stock. Owners dominate sports not because of athletic brilliance, but because they own pipelines, patents, trading desks, and land—the assets that make sports ownership a byproduct, not a goal.

For African Americans, the concern isn’t just that they don’t own the team. It’s that they don’t own the banks that financed the team, the media companies that broadcast the games, or the tech platforms monetizing fan engagement. It is a misallocation of focus to aim for the outcome—sports ownership—without first entering the industries that produce ownership-level capital.

There’s no harm in wanting a seat in the owner’s box. But the more strategic question is: why not aim to own the entire ecosystem? The scoreboard. The stadium real estate. The ticketing software. The AI that tracks player stats. The advertising networks.

Athletes made sports cool. Billionaires made sports profitable. African America must ask whether it wants symbolic entry into an elite club—or whether it wants to control the industries that fund the club.

The real power isn’t just in the arena. It’s in what surrounds it. And until African Americans own those arenas—of finance, data, infrastructure, and media—they will always be positioned to play the game, but not define it.

Final Whistle

The scoreboard of ownership still reads 0-154 against African Americans in most major leagues. Talent fills highlight reels; equity fills trust funds. The route to flipping that score will not be paved by bigger contracts or more MVP trophies. It will be built through African American banks mobilizing capital, investment firms leading syndicates, and HBCU institutions gaining board seats—not just honorary jerseys.

Athletes have inspired generations. Now, institutions must finance generations.

The next dynasty to celebrate should not just hoist a trophy—it should hold a deed.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

The Lisa Cook Doctrine: Monetary Policy In A Post-Globalization American

“Uncertainty is not an exception—it’s the economy’s new default. Our job isn’t to eliminate risk, but to build institutions resilient enough to thrive within it.” — Dr. Lisa D. Cook, Federal Reserve Governor & Spelman Alumna ’86

When Dr. Lisa D. Cook took the stage at the Council on Foreign Relations for the C. Peter McColough Series on International Economics, it was less a speech and more a declaration: the global economy is fragmenting, technology is compounding that fragmentation, and the Federal Reserve must remain nimble but principled in navigating this emerging disorder.

What makes Dr. Cook’s presence at the Federal Reserve so consequential is not simply her identity as the first African American woman to serve as a governor—though it is significant—but her lens. A lens forged not just through elite academic corridors, but one that dares to understand the edges of America’s economy—its marginalized labor markets, its precarious innovation system, and its uneven globalization. And if her remarks this week are any signal, Dr. Cook is actively shaping a monetary doctrine for this new epoch.

THE FEDERAL RESERVE AND ITS FRACTURED MANDATE

Dr. Cook reminded the audience that the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate—price stability and maximum employment—is being strained by new dynamics. Inflation, while down from pandemic-era peaks, remains stubbornly above target. Headline inflation is at 2.1 percent, core inflation at 2.5 percent—both still above the Fed’s 2 percent goal. On the employment side, job growth is steady, unemployment hovers at 4.2 percent, and labor force participation is not in freefall. But beneath these metrics lies disquiet.

That disquiet is coming from three fronts: trade protectionism, artificial intelligence, and long-term underinvestment in public innovation infrastructure.

In short, America’s economy is at a precipice—caught between inflation imported through tariffs and supply chain fragility, and deflationary pressures driven by automation and labor displacement.

Dr. Cook’s doctrine, it seems, is to hold the center.

TARIFFS: THE RETURN OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM

Trade policy has re-entered the monetary discourse with a vengeance. For African American economists—and institutions like HBCUs that sit adjacent to both poor communities and international students from across the African diaspora—the discussion is no longer abstract. Dr. Cook underscored that tariffs, while politically popular, have a “nontrivial” inflationary effect.

Tariffs raise prices on imports, which businesses pass to consumers. But more importantly, they alter inflation expectations. And when inflation expectations become “unanchored,” monetary policy loses its credibility—and its traction.

This is not merely an economic concern, but a philosophical one. If the U.S. economy turns inward and abandons international trade cooperation, the financial consequences will not be equally shared. Institutions and people on the margins—like HBCUs, which rely on price-sensitive budgets and internationally sourced equipment—will be among the first to feel the tightening grip.

AI AND THE PRODUCTIVITY PARADOX

Artificial intelligence was one of the few bright spots in Dr. Cook’s analysis. While it introduces short-term labor displacement, it holds medium- to long-term potential for productivity gains, cost containment, and even inflation moderation.

Dr. Cook estimates productivity boosts from AI could range from 1 to 18 percent over the next decade. But this range, she admits, reflects the economic unknowns of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. For African American institutions, the message is twofold: AI will not wait for us to be ready, and without intentional investment in AI literacy and infrastructure, the economic benefits will bypass our communities entirely.

More than that, Dr. Cook emphasized the importance of how AI gets adopted. “It’s not job loss,” she clarified. “It’s task replacement.” The nuance matters. Black workers and businesses must advocate for job redesign, not job removal. This requires an active policy partnership between labor, government, and educational institutions.

HBCUs, with their historical ability to adapt curricula to new economic paradigms, have a window here. The time to build AI research centers, ethics think tanks, and public-private tech fellowships is not tomorrow—it is now.

UNCERTAINTY IS THE NEW NORMAL

Dr. Cook invoked former Fed Chair Ben Bernanke’s guidance: in times of heightened uncertainty, policymakers must plan for multiple scenarios. In Fed speak, this means optionality. In HBCU speak, this means resilience.

The Federal Reserve is not in a rate-cutting mood. Nor is it eager to hike. It is watching. And waiting. And watching some more. “The current stance is balanced,” Dr. Cook affirmed. “But that balance could shift in either direction.”

For HBCU leadership—especially those managing endowments, student financial aid disbursements, or capital investment strategies—this moment requires uncommon dexterity. Inflation could reaccelerate. Or the economy could cool into a stagflationary trap. The key is planning for a 2 percent interest world and a 6 percent one.

INNOVATION: TWENTY YEARS TO FRUITION

Perhaps the most poignant segment of Dr. Cook’s remarks came not from inflation or tariffs or AI—but from her reflections on innovation and time.

“It can take twenty years or more,” she noted, “from the time a student conceives an idea to the point it becomes a product on the market.”

That is a sobering timeline. And it is why public investment in basic research, early-stage science, and academic freedom matters so much. The ecosystem that birthed Silicon Valley started with small government grants, eccentric professors, and graduate students with uncertain job prospects.

For HBCUs, the lesson is urgent: waiting for federal investment in Black innovation ecosystems is no longer tenable. Institutions must pool their resources, coordinate R&D pipelines, and build their own version of the National Science Foundation if need be.

Tuskegee University had its agricultural labs. Howard had its medical research. North Carolina A&T and Prairie View have their engineering corridors. But the next phase of Black institutional development must consolidate these assets into a coordinated force, backed by investment funds, intellectual property banks, and patent commercialization arms.

THE GLOBAL BACKDROP: COORDINATION WITHOUT UNITY

On the global stage, Dr. Cook walked a careful line. She acknowledged that while central banks maintain regular dialogue—through G-7, G-20, OECD platforms—there is no grand consensus. Different countries have different mandates. The European Central Bank is laser-focused on inflation. The Bank of Japan must navigate currency volatility. The People’s Bank of China has geopolitical motives laced through its monetary calculus.

The Federal Reserve cannot outsource its decisions to global peers. But it can learn from them.

For African American policy circles and HBCU economics departments, this is a call to global literacy. We must teach our students to read the central bank minutes from Frankfurt, London, and Accra as readily as they read those from Washington.


INSTITUTIONAL IMPLICATIONS FOR HBCUs

What, then, should HBCU presidents, CFOs, and policy offices take from Dr. Cook’s remarks?

  1. Protect Purchasing Power
    Inflation—especially if prolonged—can erode real endowment spending. HBCUs must explore inflation-hedged assets, indexed tuition strategies, and energy-efficient infrastructure.
  2. Reimagine Labor Pipelines
    AI and global trade will redefine job descriptions. HBCUs must preemptively build training programs, certification pathways, and innovation hubs aligned with the labor market of 2030—not 2010.
  3. Internalize Innovation
    If innovation takes 20 years, then we must stop relying on outside institutions to fund our intellectual property journey. We must build our own innovation endowments, grant programs, and incubators.
  4. Globalize Strategically
    As America turns inward, HBCUs must look outward—toward African economies, Caribbean partnerships, and Latin American markets. Diversifying donor bases, research collaborations, and student recruitment internationally is no longer luxury. It is imperative.
  5. Endowment Defense Against Rate Risk
    Whether rates rise or fall, HBCU financial managers must adopt more active duration management strategies and review fixed income allocations accordingly.

FINAL THOUGHT: THE JUDGMENT ECONOMY

Dr. Cook’s final words were a reminder that even in an era of algorithms and quantitative models, human judgment remains central.

The economy cannot be automated. And neither can policy. The strength of institutions, including the Federal Reserve, still rests on the character and clarity of its leaders.

For HBCUs and African American institutions broadly, Dr. Cook’s rise—and her vision—should be both inspiration and instruction. It is not enough to be present in the room. One must bring a philosophy. A framework. A doctrine.

The Lisa Cook Doctrine, if there is one, is clear: do not panic, do not stagnate, and never underestimate the power of intentional innovation guided by principled policy.

In an uncertain world, that kind of leadership is the rarest form of capital.

It’s Complicated: The 2019-2020 HBCU Graduate Student Loan Debt Report

Chart: Where U.S. Student Debt Is Highest & Lowest | Statista

The most recent student loan data is an extremely hard gauge to use given its lag time. This data is the latest data available by ICAS, but also is pre-COVID and pre-George Floyd. The latter in that situation potentially produced a significant increase in student loan debt by students as many sought to help themselves and their families through financial aid refunds. COVID exposed African America’s acute financial fragility through poor health insurance, jobs with high exposure to COVID risk, and more. To the latter, in the post-George Floyd that also occurred where hundreds of millions poured into HBCU coffers led by MacKenzie Scott in levels never seen before and COVID relief funding through the CARES Act to colleges and universities witnessed HBCUs providing an immense amount of financial relief to its students to try and stem the debt tide.

HBCU graduates actually have some good news in that their median debt dropped approximately 8 percent from our last report while their PWI counterparts at major endowed institutions remained virtually unchanged. The bad news is that the percentage of HBCU graduates with debt remains unchanged while their PWI counterparts at major endowed institutions graduating with debt dropped almost 20 percent. This expands the gap of HBCU/PWI students graduating with debt from a previous 46 percentage points difference to now 52 percentage points in this latest report.

Numbers in parentheses shows the comparative results from the universities of the 30 largest endowments:

Median Total Debt of HBCU Graduates – $31,422 ($24,479)

Proportion of HBCU Graduates with debt – 85% (33%)

Median Private Debt of HBCU Graduates – $17,386 ($44,622)

Proportion of HBCU Graduates with private debt – 7% (5%)

Source: The Institute for College Access & Success

Looking at the numbers even further shows that HBCU Graduates debt is almost 30 percent higher than their PWI major endowed counterparts. This despite HBCUs being significantly cheaper, HBCU Graduates suffer from a student body that acutely comes from families that lack family assets and stability to assist. It is highlighted in the private debt component where PWI counterparts have significantly higher amounts of private debt. Potentially speaking to the borrowing power of those PWI families beyond federal financial aid.

It may be a few years before updated data from within the COVID era is available, but basic extrapolation suggest that even with the donations received after George Floyd and the CARES Act that HBCUs simply still lack the endowments to make up for the acute lack of African American household wealth combined with less than 10 percent of African Americans choosing HBCUs. The latter means that HBCUs operate with smaller alumni pools. These smaller pools means a smaller nominal giving of the alumni who do give and a significantly smaller probability that the HBCU can create a percentage of alumni who go onto become wealthy donors.

In the end, HBCU alumni who care about this must make available scholarship to a wider net of HBCU students while in school. Focusing on creating scholarship that is available to every student who is academically eligible and giving less emphasis to GPA. The large majority of any HBCU graduation class has GPAs between 2.0 and 3.0 and are the ones most likely to be left out of having any ability to decrease their student loan burdens making them almost never to be in a position to become donors.

By expanding eligibility requirements, scholarships can provide financial relief to those who need it most—students who are often balancing academics with work, family responsibilities, and other challenges. Many of these students demonstrate resilience, dedication, and a commitment to completing their education, yet traditional scholarship models disproportionately favor high achievers with GPAs above 3.5. While academic excellence should be celebrated, financial aid should not solely be reserved for the top percentage of students.

A broader approach to scholarships will help create a stronger alumni network in the long run, as more graduates will leave school with reduced debt, making them more likely to support their alma mater financially and contribute to future scholarship funds.

Previous HBCU Graduate Student Loan Reports

The 2016-2017 HBCU Graduate Student Loan Report

Good News/Bad News: Percentage Of HBCU Graduates With Debt Drops But Debt Loads Increase

90 Percent of HBCU Graduates Have Student Loan Debt