Category Archives: Editorial

The Lost Generation: How Gen X Inherited the Collapse of Black Institutions

“We were sold the idea that the institutions that our great-grandparents built after enslavement, the institutitons that their blood, sweat, tears, and far too often their lives were sacrificed for no longer mattered. The institutions that protected our grandparents and parents no longer mattered. That we had no obligation, no duty to uphold them, strengthen them, defend them – and it may ultimately be our downfall.” – William A. Foster, IV

African America’s Generation X came of age in the shadow of promises made but never fulfilled. Born after the civil-rights movement and the legislative victories of the 1960s, they were told they were heirs to a new world of possibility. Yet for most, the landscape they entered was not one of expanding opportunity but of institutional decline. Gen X did not inherit the wealth of their White peers, nor did they inherit the institutional foundations that could have shielded them from the widening chasm of inequality. Instead, they became the “lost generation” of African America—not because they lacked talent or will, but because they were asked to build lives in the absence of functioning institutions.

The story is one of numbers as much as narratives. At mid-century, African Americans could point to over 134 banks, more than 500 hospitals, and a dense ecosystem of schools, businesses, and mutual-aid societies that created scaffolding for resilience. By the time Gen X came of age in the 1980s and 1990s, the majority of those institutions had collapsed. Today, fewer than 20 African American banks remain. The hospitals, once numbering in the hundreds, have shrunk to just one. The erasure of these structures left Gen X to navigate adulthood without the community-owned institutions that had once provided both opportunity and insulation.

This institutional decline coincided with the hardening of social and economic divides. African American median household wealth remains below $20,000, compared to more than $180,000 for White households. Home-ownership rates hover around 44 percent, far below the 73 percent enjoyed by Whites. Poverty, unemployment, and health disparities disproportionately fell on African American Gen X families, erasing many of the gains their parents’ generation had fought for. In health, the loss of African American hospitals meant fewer spaces for culturally competent care and fewer pathways for African American doctors, nurses, and administrators to train and serve their communities. In finance, the disappearance of banks meant fewer loans for businesses and homes, ensuring that the dollar cycled out of the community faster than it could ever build generational stability.

By the 1980s, when many Gen Xers were entering high school, even the educational system that had once cultivated excellence for African American children was being dismantled. A century earlier, African American boarding schools—descendants of Reconstruction-era self-help institutions—had trained teachers, scientists, craftsmen, and entrepreneurs. Schools such as Piney Woods, Laurinburg, and Pine Forge stood as examples of self-contained learning environments that instilled discipline and race pride. By 2014, only four remained. Their decline, chronicled in The Final Four: African American Boarding Schools on the Verge of Extinction, symbolized the erosion of intellectual infrastructure that once undergirded the Black middle class. These schools had produced generations of college-ready youth who often went on to HBCUs and then into the professions. When they withered, so did a crucial pipeline.

Their demise reflected not a lack of academic excellence but the disintegration of a supportive ecosystem. As integration policies shifted resources away from Black-controlled schools, and as affluent African American families pursued suburban acceptance, the boarding schools were left with dwindling endowments and shrinking enrollments. Their survival required a collective sense of purpose that the Gen X era—steeped in the illusion of individual advancement—could no longer muster. The extinction of these schools mirrored the broader trajectory of African American institutions: erasure through neglect, assimilation, and the seductive myth that success could be purely personal.

The same cultural dissonance emerged in the world of entertainment and higher education. On television, Gen X watched A Different World, a fictional HBCU experience that inspired a generation but also unintentionally reflected a pivot. The series’ most memorable duo, Dwayne Wayne and Ron Johnson, captured the promise and pitfalls of the Gen X mindset. As HBCU Money’s essay Dwayne Wayne & Ron Johnson Dropped the Ball: HBCUpreneurship observed, the show chronicled two brilliant young men who graduated not to build companies or institutions, but to take jobs inside someone else’s. Their story became emblematic of a generation encouraged to chase credentials rather than ownership.

Gen X was the first to be told that integration was complete, that they could “make it” anywhere. But what they were rarely told was that making it individually often meant abandoning the collective scaffolding their grandparents had built. The very concept of the HBCU as a launch pad for entrepreneurship faded into nostalgia. Dwayne and Ron’s missed opportunity was not fictional; it mirrored the real-world drift of African American college graduates into corporate dependency, even as those corporations benefited from their creativity without reinvesting in African American communities.

The consequences were measurable. While White entrepreneurial ecosystems flourished in the 1990s with the rise of venture capital and tech startups, African American business formation lagged far behind. Few HBCUs established business incubators, angel networks, or venture funds that could capture their graduates’ ingenuity. Gen X, trained to seek jobs rather than ownership, lacked both the financing structures and the cultural reinforcement to build enduring enterprises. The very generation that watched the digital revolution unfold found itself on the consumer end rather than the ownership end of that transformation.

In this sense, the decline of African American institutions was not merely physical but philosophical. The idea that collective power could yield freedom gave way to the belief that individual success was freedom itself. This ideological shift—fed by television, politics, and the allure of assimilation—eroded the cooperative ethos that once sustained Black Wall Streets and mutual-aid societies. Where earlier generations might have pooled resources to open a bank, Gen X was taught to seek a mortgage from Wells Fargo. Where their ancestors founded hospitals like Provident and Homer G. Phillips, Gen X looked to be admitted to the best White medical schools rather than to revive their own.

The paradox of Gen X is that they were told they had arrived at a moment of inclusion—seen in the growth of African American representation in politics, sports, entertainment, and corporate America—while the ground beneath them was collapsing. Symbolic milestones such as the first African American CEOs of Fortune 500 companies or the growing ranks of African American elected officials did not offset the fact that the ecosystem of African American hospitals, banks, and businesses was being erased. Gen X bore the brunt of this contradiction: celebrated for individual achievement while collectively stripped of institutional power.

The American economy of the 1980s and 1990s was primed for wealth building. Deregulation, real-estate booms, and the rise of the stock market created enormous opportunities for asset accumulation. Yet African American Gen Xers, lacking access to capital and institutional mentorship, were largely excluded. The few who broke through—whether in entertainment or professional fields—were exceptional precisely because the system offered so little support. They became proof of possibility for a generation starved of infrastructure, even as their fame obscured the underlying erosion.

By the early 2000s, as Gen X entered its peak earning years, the effects of institutional loss were unmistakable. The community’s wealth gap widened even as educational attainment rose. African American college-graduation rates climbed, but the payoff was smaller salaries, heavier debt, and less wealth accumulation. Without community-controlled banks or credit unions, they faced higher borrowing costs. Without business investment networks, they relied on personal savings to launch ventures, limiting scale and sustainability. Without hospitals and schools owned by the community, the circulation of dollars—once measured in weeks—shrank to hours.

The collapse of the boarding schools and the failure of HBCUpreneurship are not side stories; they are the connective tissue of this larger decline. Each represented a node of self-determination that could have anchored Gen X’s ascent. When those nodes vanished, Gen X’s trajectory became fragmented—brilliant individuals floating in isolation, disconnected from the institutional gravity that sustains a people. The lesson from the Final Four and from Dwayne Wayne and Ron Johnson is that without institutional continuity, culture becomes performance, not power.

The irony is that Gen X still carried the memory of what once was. Many were raised by grandparents who remembered owning land, operating local businesses, or attending all-Black schools where teachers lived in their neighborhoods. They inherited stories of collective pride, but not the structures that produced it. And because their own formative years coincided with mass media’s rise, those stories were often drowned out by consumer culture’s narrative of individual aspiration. Success became synonymous with escaping one’s community rather than empowering it.

That shift in imagination may be Gen X’s greatest tragedy. A people’s future is determined as much by what they believe is possible as by what they own. When the imagination of ownership fades, dependency becomes normalized. African America’s Gen X did not choose dependency; they adapted to a system that rewarded proximity to White institutions while punishing independent Black ones. Government contracts, corporate partnerships, and philanthropic grants replaced the cooperative economics of earlier eras. The result was a generation of professionals with unprecedented credentials but limited leverage.

Still, within this loss lies instruction. Gen X’s struggle clarifies that talent alone does not equal power. Communities achieve permanence only when they own the institutions that convert talent into infrastructure. The hospitals, banks, and boarding schools were not merely service providers—they were instruments of sovereignty. Their disappearance left African America reliant on external validation and vulnerable to the volatility of goodwill.

Oprah Winfrey, Michael Jordan, and Barack Obama stand as icons of Gen X achievement, but their presence cannot replace the 500 hospitals or 100 banks that once supported African American communities. Institutions are what allow success to scale beyond the individual. Without them, every victory is fleeting, every gain precarious. The Gen X dream of being “the first” often became a cycle of isolation: the first in the boardroom, the first on the cover, the first to arrive—but rarely the architect of a system that ensured there would be a second.

As Millennials and Gen Z inherit the debris of that collapse, they confront the same choice: to celebrate representation or to rebuild capacity. The wealth and power gaps remain staggering. African Americans are still nearly twice as likely to live in poverty and hold only about four percent of America’s small-business assets despite comprising thirteen percent of its population. The absence of institutions guarantees these outcomes; their reconstruction could begin to reverse them.

Rebuilding will require the mindset Gen X was never taught—to treat institutions as the truest form of freedom. That means HBCUs creating venture capital funds that invest in their graduates. It means restoring the legacy of African American boarding schools as incubators of discipline and intellect. It means reviving credit unions and community banks that finance local ownership. It means rediscovering that the measure of progress is not how many individuals cross the threshold of another people’s institutions, but how many institutions one’s own people can build and sustain.

Gen X stands, then, as both victim and warning: the generation that inherited the death of African American institutions and the collapse of mobility. Their story illustrates that the survival of a people rests not on individual ascent but on collective infrastructure. Without it, the next generation risks becoming lost as well. The lost generation’s greatest gift may be its clarity—the understanding that brilliance without ownership is bondage, and that no degree, celebrity, or salary can substitute for a hospital, a bank, a school, or a business owned in the name of one’s community.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

Mobilizing HBCU Strength in the Wake of Hurricane Melissa

Support Jamaica – Official Disaster Relief & Recovery Portal

“The building of the bridge of the Diaspora is prioritizing each other, being there for each other, and knowing we will be there for each other.” – William A. Foster, IV

Hurricane Melissa has carved a path of devastation across the Caribbean, making landfall in Jamaica as one of the most powerful storms ever recorded in the region. With winds exceeding 185 miles per hour, rain measured in feet rather than inches, and storm surges that swallowed entire communities, the destruction is overwhelming. Roads have vanished under mudslides, homes are washed away, and entire regions remain without power or communication. As the world watches, the human cost mounts and with it, the need for coordinated, long-term recovery efforts that go beyond the headlines and hashtags.

This is precisely the kind of moment that calls for the leadership, creativity, and moral authority of America’s historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) and their alumni associations. Few institutional communities possess such a powerful combination of service tradition, intellectual capital, and global Diaspora reach. For nearly two centuries, HBCUs have served as centers of self-help and social infrastructure for African America and beyond educating generations to serve, rebuild, and lead. The aftermath of Hurricane Melissa offers a new test of that legacy, one that extends far beyond U.S. borders.

HBCUs have a deep connection to the Caribbean through students, faculty, and alumni whose roots reach into Jamaica, Haiti, the Bahamas, and other island nations. That Diaspora connection creates a moral and practical bridge for mobilization. Alumni associations in particular can move faster than the institutions themselves, deploying funding, volunteers, and networks within days, while universities align longer-term commitments around research, innovation, and academic exchange. This dual structure, the institution and the alumni, makes HBCUs uniquely suited to play both first responder and long-term architect in disaster recovery.

In the immediate term, alumni associations can serve as rapid-response centers. Even as the storm continues, alumni chapters across the United States should already be coordinating with established relief through the Support Jamaica from the Government of Jamaica. The goal should not be to duplicate existing efforts but to amplify them by channeling alumni donations, collecting verified supply lists, and matching HBCU expertise to specific needs on the ground. An engineering professor can offer structural assessments remotely. A nursing department can send medical students on rotation to assist clinics in Jamaica or the Caymans. A business school can help small entrepreneurs rebuild supply chains once ports reopen. HBCU students are not bystanders to crisis they are trained to serve.

Beyond the initial relief period, HBCUs can deploy their research and applied-learning capabilities to support the complex rebuilding process that will follow. Public-health schools can collect data on water contamination, agricultural programs can study soil and crop recovery, and construction-management students can join design labs that focus on modular, hurricane-resistant housing. These engagements would not only meet immediate needs but also serve as living classrooms and turning recovery into an educational mission. When coordinated through alumni networks and Caribbean universities, such projects could lay the foundation for a sustained partnership that lasts long after the disaster fades from public view.

In the longer arc of rebuilding, HBCUs have an opportunity to link disaster recovery to economic and institutional power. This means using their foundations and alumni associations as development engines by building endowment-style disaster funds, supporting Caribbean student scholarships, and creating revolving loan funds for small business recovery. These are not acts of charity; they are investments in diasporic resilience and self-reliance. Each project funded, each student supported, and each home rebuilt becomes a demonstration of how African-descended institutions can act globally in solidarity with one another.

Such engagement also strengthens the HBCUs themselves. It raises institutional visibility, attracts research partnerships, and generates new funding streams from government, philanthropic, and private-sector actors who increasingly view climate resilience as one of the century’s defining challenges. HBCUs that position themselves as centers of innovation for the global South studying, designing, and implementing community-based adaptation strategies can expand their mission without abandoning their core. As the climate crisis accelerates, the world will need institutions that not only understand the technical side of disasters but the human and cultural dimensions of recovery. HBCUs are built on exactly that intersection.

Alumni associations have an equally vital role to play as connectors and funders. Their members sit in corporations, government agencies, and nonprofits that have the capacity to provide logistical and financial support. They can organize micro-campaigns like “HBCUs for Jamaica,” “Panthers for the Caribbean,” “Aggies for Melissa Relief” that use institutional pride to drive real impact. Alumni-owned businesses in logistics, energy, or construction can be contracted to support the rebuild, keeping dollars circulating within African-descended enterprise networks. In doing so, these associations reaffirm the idea that solidarity among African Americans and the wider African Diaspora is not a sentiment, it is an economic system waiting to be mobilized.

This storm also calls for humility and partnership. Local Caribbean organizations must remain at the center of planning and execution. HBCUs and their alumni can amplify those efforts, but not override them. Genuine cooperation requires listening to local leaders, integrating their priorities, and avoiding the paternalistic model that often defines international relief work. The goal is not to arrive as saviors but to stand as equals offering capacity, knowledge, and connection while respecting local sovereignty.

HBCU presidents should begin by issuing joint statements of solidarity, coordinating through existing networks such as the Thurgood Marshall College Fund, UNCF, and the 1890 Universities Foundation. Together, they can create a unified HBCU Hurricane Melissa Relief Fund with transparent governance and regular public reporting. At the same time, they can encourage their student governments and alumni bodies to organize locally: donation drives, digital campaigns, and academic forums on climate justice and resilience. Even modest efforts can have exponential effects when multiplied across more than one hundred campuses and hundreds of thousands of alumni.

The larger opportunity lies in transforming response into strategy. The Caribbean sits on the frontlines of the climate crisis. Hurricanes like Melissa will not be rare; they will be recurring. HBCUs can help shape the next generation of professionals such as engineers, urban planners, policymakers who understand that climate adaptation is not only a technical challenge but a social one. They can develop academic exchanges with Caribbean universities, establish resilience research centers, and convene annual symposia on diasporic disaster recovery. The intellectual capital of the HBCU system should not remain confined to domestic boundaries.

This is also a call for new kinds of philanthropy. African American institutions cannot rely on federal agencies or large international NGOs to prioritize the needs of predominantly Black regions. Our own institutions must cultivate endowments and funds capable of responding independently. Alumni foundations could dedicate a percentage of annual giving to a “Diaspora Relief Reserve,” allowing immediate deployment of resources when crises arise. Partnerships with African and Caribbean banks could provide low-interest credit to affected small businesses. Technology departments could create open-source digital platforms connecting donors to verified local projects. Each initiative strengthens both the giver and the receiver, building an economic loop within the diaspora.

To many, these storms seem like acts of nature. To those of us who understand history, they are also acts of policy from decades of neglect, inequality, and extractive development have left Caribbean nations exposed. HBCUs have always existed to correct structural inequities through education, cooperation, and leadership. Extending that mission across borders is not charity; it is continuation. The same spirit that built schools out of Freedmen’s churches after the Civil War can now help rebuild villages along Jamaica’s coast.

For generations, HBCUs have asked their students to “enter to learn, depart to serve.” Service now means something larger: serving not only one’s neighborhood or state but one’s global kinship. The aftermath of Hurricane Melissa offers a moment to operationalize that ideal to move from inspiration to institution, from sentiment to structure.

Five-Point Plan for HBCU and Alumni Action After Hurricane Melissa

  1. Create the HBCU Hurricane Melissa Relief Fund. A coordinated fund governed by representatives from multiple HBCUs and alumni associations, dedicated to immediate aid and long-term rebuilding.
  2. Deploy Expertise and Volunteers. Mobilize faculty, students, and alumni in engineering, health sciences, business, and agriculture to assist recovery efforts both on-site and virtually.
  3. Establish a Caribbean Resilience Fellowship. Provide scholarships and research opportunities for students from affected regions to study at HBCUs, focusing on climate adaptation and sustainable development.
  4. Develop Long-Term Economic Partnerships. Use alumni business networks to invest in reconstruction, renewable energy, and small-enterprise recovery in the Caribbean, ensuring diaspora capital builds diaspora resilience.
  5. Institutionalize Climate and Disaster Studies. Embed disaster-resilience curricula and global-south research collaborations across HBCUs, positioning them as leaders in climate-justice education and innovation.

HBCUs were born out of catastrophe, out of the wreckage of enslavement and the broken promises of Reconstruction. Their survival and success have always depended on collective strength and the willingness to build when others turned away. Now, as Hurricane Melissa devastates our brothers and sisters in the Caribbean, those same instincts are needed again. If HBCUs and their alumni act with urgency, strategy, and unity, they can transform this tragedy into a living testament to what diasporic institutions can achieve when they take responsibility for one another’s future.

Disclaimer: This article was assisted by ChatGPT.

China v. United States Is Not The Only Great Power Competition – Make No Mistake About It, HBCUs v. PWIs Are At War

“Today, the United States and China, often with Russia at its side, are competing to shape security architectures, as well as norms and practices worldwide, including trade and investment regimes and the development and regulation of new technological infrastructures. These frictions will play out over decades, not only in Beijing, Washington, and Moscow, but in Africa and Europe, the Arctic, outer space, and cyberspace.” – The Wilson Center

There are no African or Caribbean countries considered to be part of the Great Power Competition, only pawns in it. – William A. Foster, IV

In global affairs, the geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China captures headlines as the preeminent competition shaping the 21st century. However, closer to home, another fierce contest is unfolding—one that, while lacking the military and economic ramifications of the U.S.-China rivalry, is no less significant in the battle for resources, prestige, and influence. This is the ongoing conflict between Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). This battle is not just about educational preference; it is a struggle for survival, legacy, and the future of Black intellectualism and empowerment in America.

The Historical Context: Foundations of an Educational Divide

HBCUs were born out of necessity in an era when Black students were systematically excluded from white institutions due to segregation and racism. Established primarily in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, HBCUs provided a sanctuary for Black education and upliftment. Schools such as Howard University, Morehouse College, and Spelman College became powerhouses in producing Black professionals, thinkers, and leaders, who otherwise would have been denied access to quality education.

In contrast, PWIs, traditionally serving white students, eventually opened their doors to Black students following the Civil Rights Movement and the dismantling of Jim Crow laws. Integration, while a monumental victory, led to unintended consequences for HBCUs, including a decline in enrollment as Black students increasingly sought the prestige, resources, and opportunities associated with PWIs. The playing field, however, was never level. PWIs had centuries of endowments, expansive alumni networks, and government backing, whereas HBCUs remained underfunded and underappreciated.

The War Over Resources

One of the most glaring disparities in the HBCU vs. PWI competition is financial resources. The average endowment of an HBCU pales in comparison to that of even a mid-tier PWI. Take, for example, Harvard University, whose endowment surpasses $50 billion, while the combined endowments of all HBCUs struggle to reach a fraction of that amount.

This disparity has real consequences: outdated facilities, limited scholarships, fewer research opportunities, and struggles in faculty retention. Meanwhile, PWIs attract Black students with lucrative scholarships, state-of-the-art facilities, and networking opportunities that are difficult to resist. The financial battle is one that HBCUs, despite their resilience, continue to fight uphill.

Cultural Significance: A Battle for Identity

Beyond money, the HBCU vs. PWI war is a cultural one. HBCUs offer a unique and nurturing environment where Black students can thrive without the pressures of being minorities in predominantly white spaces. The culture of HBCUs is rich with tradition, homecomings, Greek life, and an emphasis on communal upliftment. These institutions foster Black pride, empowerment, and a curriculum centered around Black history and achievement.

PWIs, on the other hand, often relegate Black culture to a sub-narrative. While diversity and inclusion initiatives have increased, many Black students at PWIs report feeling isolated, encountering microaggressions, and struggling to find representation among faculty and administration. However, PWIs offer certain advantages—larger research budgets, extensive alumni networks, and higher-ranked programs—which make them attractive options for students seeking a competitive edge in the job market.

The Sports Arena: Where the Battle is Most Visible

Athletics is one of the most publicized battlegrounds in the HBCU vs. PWI war. For decades, Black athletes from HBCUs like Grambling State, Jackson State, and Southern University dominated professional sports. However, the integration of PWIs led to the siphoning of Black athletic talent away from HBCUs. Today, powerhouse programs at schools like Alabama, Ohio State, and Duke recruit Black athletes with multi-million dollar facilities, exposure, and professional pipeline programs that HBCUs struggle to match.

The recent resurgence of attention toward HBCU sports—highlighted by figures like Deion Sanders coaching at Jackson State—signals a potential shift in the paradigm. Sanders’ tenure not only brought visibility but also reignited discussions about the significance of Black athletes playing at HBCUs rather than generating billions of dollars for PWIs, which often fail to reinvest in Black communities.

The Corporate and Political Battlefield

Beyond academia and sports, HBCUs and PWIs compete in the corporate and political realms. HBCU graduates have historically faced challenges breaking into elite circles of power, where PWIs hold dominance. Fortune 500 companies and government institutions have historically recruited from Ivy League and top-tier PWIs, often overlooking the rich talent pools at HBCUs.

One of the starkest indicators of racial economic disparity is the near-total absence of Black-owned Fortune 500 companies. As of recent years, there have been fewer than five Black CEOs in the entire Fortune 500, and the number of Black-owned companies on the list is virtually nonexistent. Systemic barriers, including access to capital, investor bias, and exclusion from influential business networks, continue to hinder Black entrepreneurs from scaling their enterprises to the level of major corporate giants.

The lack of Black-owned Fortune 500 companies is particularly concerning when viewed against the backdrop of political and economic shifts. The rise of Donald Trump and his brand of economic nationalism underscored a shift toward policies that often ignored or outright disadvantaged minority-owned businesses. Trump’s tax policies largely benefited large corporations and the wealthiest Americans, while minority entrepreneurs saw little in the way of targeted support. His administration’s rollback of diversity initiatives in government and business further exacerbated the existing racial wealth gap.

However, recent movements advocating for diversity and equity have shifted some focus back to HBCUs. The Biden administration’s historic investment in HBCUs, as well as corporate pledges following the George Floyd protests, indicate an acknowledgment of these institutions’ significance. Still, whether these commitments translate into long-term systemic changes remains uncertain.

The Future of the Battle

The war between HBCUs and PWIs is not one of violence but of strategy, resilience, and adaptation. HBCUs must innovate, leveraging their cultural significance and legacy to attract top Black talent. Alumni engagement, corporate partnerships, and increased state funding are crucial to leveling the playing field. Simultaneously, Black students and families must weigh the long-term benefits of choosing an HBCU over a PWI, recognizing that their decision impacts the future viability of these historic institutions.

PWIs, while dominant in many areas, must confront their own racial disparities and reckon with their histories of exclusion. Recruiting Black students without providing adequate support systems leads to high dropout rates and dissatisfaction. For genuine equity, PWIs must go beyond optics and foster environments where Black students can thrive academically, culturally, and socially.

Conclusion: A War for Legacy

The United States and China battle for global supremacy in economics, technology, and military might. But within the U.S., the war between HBCUs and PWIs is a struggle for Black excellence, institutional power, and legacy. The outcome of this battle will determine the future of Black education and leadership. Will HBCUs regain their prominence and secure the funding and recognition they deserve? Or will PWIs continue to dominate, drawing Black talent into historically exclusive spaces while leaving HBCUs to struggle?

Make no mistake about it—this is a war. And like all wars, the victors will shape history. The question is: who will ensure that Black institutions not only survive but thrive in the centuries to come?

Can Military Strategy Save HBCUs? “The Estimate of the Situation” Approach

Strike an enemy once and for all. Let him cease to exist as a tribe or he will live to fly in your throat again. – Shaka Zulu, Advice to King Dingiswayo on the treatment of the defeated Ndwanwes

The Battle for the Black Mind

At the beginning of the 20th century, African American higher education was a mission of survival. By the end of the century, it had become a struggle for relevance. Today, the nation’s Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) face a different kind of warfare—one not waged on battlefields but in boardrooms, budget hearings, and data dashboards. Declining endowments, limited research funding, a shrinking pool of Black male students, and encroachment by Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs) on their traditional demographic base has left many HBCUs strategically adrift.

But what if the remedy lies not in education reform think tanks or philanthropic patchwork, but in the unlikeliest of quarters—military strategy?

In the art of war, commanders engage in a disciplined process known as the “Estimate of the Situation.” Codified in U.S. military doctrine, this method assesses terrain, adversaries, capabilities, and courses of action before deciding how to marshal forces to achieve objectives. It is a doctrine of clarity, decisiveness, and ruthless prioritization—traits HBCUs, long forced into reactive postures, desperately need. If deployed correctly, it may offer a blueprint for survival and supremacy.

Terrain and Threat Assessment

The educational terrain for HBCUs is marked by systemic deprivation. While the Ivies and flagship publics boast endowments in the billions—Harvard’s at over $50 billion and the University of Texas System’s UTIMCO fund at $66 billion—only a handful of HBCUs cross the $100 million threshold. In 2024, Howard University led with a $908 million endowment, trailed by Spelman College ($569 million) and Hampton University ($379 million). By contrast, many HBCUs hover in the single-digit millions, dependent on volatile tuition revenue and susceptible to enrollment shocks.

Their adversaries are both external and internal. PWIs, emboldened by racial reckoning post-George Floyd, have launched aggressive DEI (Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion) marketing campaigns targeting high-achieving Black students, faculty, and even entire academic programs traditionally incubated within HBCUs. These institutions are mimicking HBCU cultural strengths while wielding superior infrastructure, funding, and media amplification.

Internally, decades of underfunding by state legislatures, inconsistent leadership pipelines, and fractured alumni giving have made coordination among HBCUs difficult. Public HBCUs often answer to politically hostile boards or governors who see their growth as optional, not imperative. In some Southern states, Black institutions are funded at levels far below their white counterparts, even while serving disproportionately more first-generation and low-income students.

The question then is: what does victory look like?

Mission Analysis: Existential or Expansionist?

In military parlance, the mission must be clear: is it to survive or to dominate? Too many HBCUs adopt a minimalist, survivalist mindset—hoping to keep doors open, retain accreditation, and attract enough enrollment to balance the books. But such passivity is tantamount to strategic surrender. If the mission is redefined as expansionist—growing endowments, poaching research talent, building technology hubs, or acquiring other institutions—then a different posture is required. One of preemption, consolidation, and power projection.

The underlying assumption should be this: the war for Black minds will intensify in the next decade as the U.S. becomes more diverse and the global competition for brainpower increases. If HBCUs do not act like insurgent militaries—nimbly, strategically, and with unified doctrine—they risk being romantic relics rather than revolutionary institutions.

Center of Gravity: The Black Intellectual Capital Base

In military strategy, the “center of gravity” is the source of an entity’s strength. For HBCUs, that center is their unparalleled social trust within the African American community and their historical mandate to serve as the custodians of Black intellectual capital.

Every great military power identifies its core asset. Rome had its legions. Britain its navy. The Soviet Union its armored divisions. For HBCUs, it is their alumni networks, faculty thought leadership, and cultural currency. But this center is fragile—threatened by underinvestment and neglect.

HBCUs should protect and project this strength. This means doubling down on producing future Black PhDs, engineers, doctors, and diplomats not as an accidental byproduct, but as a stated national security imperative for Black America. It also means developing internal think tanks and war colleges of their own—places where institutional planning, scenario modeling, and leadership development are continuous and sophisticated.

Logistics and Lines of Communication: The Endowment as Supply Chain

No army survives without logistics. In the higher education battlefield, the logistics trail is the endowment. It funds scholarships, shields against state austerity, allows for faculty recruitment, and finances long-term infrastructure. Currently, the Black educational front is malnourished.

A military-style “Operation Supply Line” could change this. Instead of chasing microgrants from corporations and philanthropies, a war doctrine would focus on concentrated, large-scale capital campaigns to create state-level or regional endowment federations.

Imagine, for example, if North Carolina’s five public HBCUs—North Carolina A&T, Fayetteville State, Elizabeth City State, Winston-Salem State, and North Carolina Central—pooled assets and donor bases into a centralized fund similar to UTIMCO. This would enable sophisticated portfolio strategies, risk mitigation, and scale advantages. Donors could give once, and see those funds managed professionally and distributed strategically.

The same could apply to private HBCUs, with alliances organized around geographic or academic complementarities. But like military alliances, these federations must be underpinned by mutual accountability and binding mission coherence.

Command Structure and Unity of Effort

Another hallmark of successful military strategy is clarity of command. At present, the HBCU landscape resembles a coalition of militias—each acting autonomously, sometimes duplicating efforts or even competing for the same resources. This is operationally inefficient.

There is precedent for unity. During World War II, Allied forces coordinated through joint command centers and mission directives despite national differences. HBCUs must do the same, perhaps through the reimagining of the Thurgood Marshall College Fund and UNCF as strategic command centers with teeth—not just fundraising conduits but institutions empowered to set joint priorities, coordinate lobbying efforts, and deploy institutional reinforcements to weaker allies.

This would mean acting less like separate colleges and more like battalions of a unified liberation force. Leadership exchanges, shared procurement, collaborative curriculum design, and a universal strategic plan should all be part of the doctrine.

War Games: Scenario Planning for a Disruptive Future

In military planning, exercises and simulations are key to testing preparedness. HBCUs need war games of their own—scenarios that model enrollment collapse, cyberattacks, political defunding, or rival university encroachments.

How would an HBCU survive if its primary state funding was cut 30% overnight? What if a prominent PWI began offering free tuition to Black students within its region? Could it recruit, retrain, and digitally educate at scale in response?

Scenario planning should not be theoretical. HBCUs could embed these exercises into board retreats, trustee meetings, and presidential onboarding. Just as generals must war-game an invasion, university leaders must anticipate disruption and know their mobilization plans.

Counteroffensive: Reclaiming the Intellectual Offensive

Finally, no military campaign is complete without a counteroffensive. HBCUs must stop playing defense. They should reclaim the offensive by launching campaigns that define what Black excellence is—not as an assimilationist ideal, but as an autonomous civilization-building agenda.

This could include opening campuses abroad in Africa and the Caribbean, creating a Black Fulbright equivalent to rotate scholars through HBCU-led global programs, or establishing “colonies of influence” in major American cities through cultural centers and satellite campuses.

The ultimate strategic goal is deterrence: to make it clear to the philanthropic sector, the corporate elite, and rival institutions that HBCUs are not simply cultural landmarks but geopolitical actors in the knowledge economy. Their preservation, therefore, is not charity—it is strategic alignment with the future.

Final Estimate: Can Military Strategy Save HBCUs?

The Estimate of the Situation is a cold, analytical process. It recognizes no nostalgia, entertains no sentimentality. It demands clarity, precision, and ruthless self-appraisal. For HBCUs, the time for reactive strategies and wistful memory is over. What is required is a war doctrine.

The adversaries are organized. The battlefield is asymmetric. And time is not on the side of the disorganized.

Yet, there is hope. Unlike in war, HBCUs do not need to annihilate their enemies. They need only to out-strategize them. With the right command structure, pooled resources, rigorous planning, and cultural clarity, they can turn the tide.

As Shaka Zulu warned: to spare a weakened enemy is to invite a future war. For HBCUs, the weakened enemy is irrelevance—and they must strike now to ensure it never flies at their throat again.

 

Dr. King’s Dream is Dead: African America Must Focus On Its Own Institutional Sovereignty and Survival

“I fear I may have integrated my people into a burning house.” – Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

By William A. Foster, IV

For my parents and grandparents not many years ago, it was the White Citizens Council, Ku Klux Klan, Bull Connor, George Wallace, and more. Today, it is MAGA, ICE, Donald Trump, Charlie Kirk, and more. African America long held out hope that we would be in someway accepted into America’s fabric. We contributed centries of free labor capital, centuries of cultural capital, and did it all under an umbrella of racial terrorism. This hope was held without so much as an apology or reparation. The Civil Rights Movement of which much of my family was a part of from my mother’s letter to Dr. King himself that now sits in the archives of Boston College to part of our family that was forced to relocate to Jamaica by the US government, likely Hoover’s FBI. They fought for equal protections and equal opportunities, but it was and has always been a fool’s errand. A group in power will never voluntarily relinquish that power and European Americans are no exception to that rule. The problem is and has always been that only African America was fighting for reconciliation. It has been a dance between two dance partners where one is constantly stomping on the feet of the other, stealing money out of our pockets as they swirl us around, and smiling at us while putting a knife nine inches in our back and pulling it out six inches while calling it progress.

As a child, my sister and I had the privilege of attending Wee Care, an African American primary school in Prairie View, Texas in the town where our family’s illustrious HBCU, Prairie View A&M University is located and where my mother has taught students, developed faculty, and served in leadership for almost five decades. Unfortunately for us, the school only went up to the first grade at which time my mother was forced to choose her “best” option. My mother’s best option was an overwhelmingly European American Catholic school in the heart of Tomball, Texas, at the time a fairly known small Texas town – with all of the small town Texas dynamics when it came to race. Only my second and fifth grade teachers were nice to me. One was really young and the other a hippy. In sixth and seventh grade at another predominantly European American Catholic school I would experience the first time being called the N word by a fellow classmate. Even in the resulting aftermath of the fight I was blamed by the principal for being violent. Imagine that. The African American private schools were limited and given the distance from where we lived almost impossible for my mother to change us to an African American school where we would be culturally safe. That though was not the whole story. You see my classmates through elementary in particular were thought to be lifetime friends, but in my later years I would learn a valuable lesson from a graduate program I would attend in Boston at a Jewish institution. Do not confuse friendship and loyalty. I am thankful to this day for the lessons from that institution because it opened my eyes to so much in the world of navigating power dynamics. It was in those lessons that I realized that many of my so called friends from elementary were also loyal to causes that would see me and my family back on a plantation if the winds blew in the right direction and they saw no moral or ideological conflict.

From that point on, I realized that what I must lean into is the institutional development of my own people. From African America to the African Diaspora and that the connectivity of our institutions would be our strength and saving grace. But alas, many of us still yearned for acceptance into PWIs, European American corporations even though we do not think of them as such that is exactly who they are owned by when you examine their ownership, and predominantly European American neighborhoods. To access whiteness is seen as progress and success. In every place we lived, I largely remember us always being the only African American family in the neighborhood. Something I know that none of my childhood “friends” ever thought about or crossed their mind. Their families would never move into an African American community and be the only one. They saw our spaces as hostile even though we have always been overly welcoming even to our detriment, but as I said being the only African American family in a predominantly European American community was often seen as “progress” for many in our community. It was a mistake, a violent psychological mistake that still harms many of us to this day. The same way Ruby Bridges, a six-year old child, had to be escorted by Federal agents into a school because we assumed the fight for desegregation was making America true to its values. We were wrong then and we have been wrong about what Ameria’s values actually are.

Dr. King said in his famous speech, “I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed. We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day out in the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; that one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.”

The dream is dead. It was a dream that required two parties to reconcile their past with only one willing to do so while suffering the brutality that has persisted since 1619. Dr. King’s speech was given on August 28, 1963 and two weeks later on September 15, 1963, the KKK bombed 16th Street Baptist Church and killed four African American girls: Addie Mae Collins (age 14, born April 18, 1949), Carol Denise McNair (age 11, born November 17, 1951), Carole Rosamond Robertson (age 14, born April 24, 1949), and Cynthia Dionne Wesley (age 14, born April 30, 1949). My mother was born in 1949. It could have easily been her. There are countless African American deaths at the hands of racial terrorism that we will never know about. The Red Summer of 1919 when the most African Americans (on record) were lynched. An entire Civil War just decades prior was waged over whether or not the United States should or should continue to be a country rooted in the slave economy. The complexity by which the North and South were guilty of profiting from – looking at you Harvard and others and have never rectified. The bloodshed, terror, and violence has been endless and it has not receded.

“I wouldn’t give it no more thought than wringing a cat’s neck! And there ain’t a court in Mississippi that’d convict me for it.” Frank Bailey’s, a character in Mississippi Burning, quote in regards to killing African Americans. This is and has been America’s attitude towards African America in its entirety. Not just individuals, but our institutions and communities as well. The underfunding of HBCUs or the burning of countless towns from Rosewood to Tulsa, our death and demise is sport and entertainment. African America has constantly believed that we could appeal to the morality of fellow Americans and “Christians”. We could work hard enough and show them our humanity. Imagine us thinking we need to prove to them we were hard working, civil, or human. It is both comical and insulting. But like many centuries ago, we have since the end of the Civil Rights Movement returns to working hard for everyone but ourselves and our institutions. That time needs to be over and we need to return to the principles and efforts that built towns like Rosewood, Greenwood, 100 HBCUs, 100 African American boarding schools, and over 500 African American owned hospitals. It is time to abandon any hope that peace can be achieved. Our sovereignty and survival is all that matters going forward. There are no more olive branches to be had. Not even from those that call themselves moderates or liberals because far too often we have seen them fall silent or pushed us to assimilate into spaces that did not empower us, did not provide institutional ownership to us, and often were spaces that were paternalistic and just as hostile to us as their conservative cousins. No, there are no more olive branches to be had because our survival depends on it.

Dr. John Henrik Clarke, a noted Pan-African historian, and someone who I consider an unofficial mentor said that any African American who is looking to devise a plan must look at our communities as nation-states and therefore must consider these fundamental pillars:

How will my people be housed?

How will my people be educated?

How will my people be fed?

How will my people be defended?

The answers to these questions can no longer be grassroots, they have to be institutional and they have to be thought about in a way that recognizes that our sovereign nation-state is adjacent to an adversary who has and will invade us. It is not a question of if they will, but when will they because they have so many times before. Unfortuantely, we cannot ask Dr. King what his thoughts about his “Dream” for America would be today because at the age of 39 he was assassinated. He was assassinated three years after his contemporary Malcolm X was assasinated and five years after Medgar Evers was assassinated in his driveway. Medgar Evers just two months before the “I Have A Dream” speech would take place. He was not blind to what America was for African America and he was certainly not blind to how our adversaries saw us or the lengths they were willing to go to in order to silence us. For the last 50 plus years since Dr. King’s passing African America has tried to make a peace that we should now see is not possible. It is time for the Dream Redefined and that dream should start and stop with actions that provide for the institutional sovereignty and survial of African America period.