Tag Archives: civil rights

Dr. King’s Dream is Dead: African America Must Focus On Its Own Institutional Sovereignty and Survival

“I fear I may have integrated my people into a burning house.” – Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

By William A. Foster, IV

For my parents and grandparents not many years ago, it was the White Citizens Council, Ku Klux Klan, Bull Connor, George Wallace, and more. Today, it is MAGA, ICE, Donald Trump, Charlie Kirk, and more. African America long held out hope that we would be in someway accepted into America’s fabric. We contributed centries of free labor capital, centuries of cultural capital, and did it all under an umbrella of racial terrorism. This hope was held without so much as an apology or reparation. The Civil Rights Movement of which much of my family was a part of from my mother’s letter to Dr. King himself that now sits in the archives of Boston College to part of our family that was forced to relocate to Jamaica by the US government, likely Hoover’s FBI. They fought for equal protections and equal opportunities, but it was and has always been a fool’s errand. A group in power will never voluntarily relinquish that power and European Americans are no exception to that rule. The problem is and has always been that only African America was fighting for reconciliation. It has been a dance between two dance partners where one is constantly stomping on the feet of the other, stealing money out of our pockets as they swirl us around, and smiling at us while putting a knife nine inches in our back and pulling it out six inches while calling it progress.

As a child, my sister and I had the privilege of attending Wee Care, an African American primary school in Prairie View, Texas in the town where our family’s illustrious HBCU, Prairie View A&M University is located and where my mother has taught students, developed faculty, and served in leadership for almost five decades. Unfortunately for us, the school only went up to the first grade at which time my mother was forced to choose her “best” option. My mother’s best option was an overwhelmingly European American Catholic school in the heart of Tomball, Texas, at the time a fairly known small Texas town – with all of the small town Texas dynamics when it came to race. Only my second and fifth grade teachers were nice to me. One was really young and the other a hippy. In sixth and seventh grade at another predominantly European American Catholic school I would experience the first time being called the N word by a fellow classmate. Even in the resulting aftermath of the fight I was blamed by the principal for being violent. Imagine that. The African American private schools were limited and given the distance from where we lived almost impossible for my mother to change us to an African American school where we would be culturally safe. That though was not the whole story. You see my classmates through elementary in particular were thought to be lifetime friends, but in my later years I would learn a valuable lesson from a graduate program I would attend in Boston at a Jewish institution. Do not confuse friendship and loyalty. I am thankful to this day for the lessons from that institution because it opened my eyes to so much in the world of navigating power dynamics. It was in those lessons that I realized that many of my so called friends from elementary were also loyal to causes that would see me and my family back on a plantation if the winds blew in the right direction and they saw no moral or ideological conflict.

From that point on, I realized that what I must lean into is the institutional development of my own people. From African America to the African Diaspora and that the connectivity of our institutions would be our strength and saving grace. But alas, many of us still yearned for acceptance into PWIs, European American corporations even though we do not think of them as such that is exactly who they are owned by when you examine their ownership, and predominantly European American neighborhoods. To access whiteness is seen as progress and success. In every place we lived, I largely remember us always being the only African American family in the neighborhood. Something I know that none of my childhood “friends” ever thought about or crossed their mind. Their families would never move into an African American community and be the only one. They saw our spaces as hostile even though we have always been overly welcoming even to our detriment, but as I said being the only African American family in a predominantly European American community was often seen as “progress” for many in our community. It was a mistake, a violent psychological mistake that still harms many of us to this day. The same way Ruby Bridges, a six-year old child, had to be escorted by Federal agents into a school because we assumed the fight for desegregation was making America true to its values. We were wrong then and we have been wrong about what Ameria’s values actually are.

Dr. King said in his famous speech, “I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed. We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day out in the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; that one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.”

The dream is dead. It was a dream that required two parties to reconcile their past with only one willing to do so while suffering the brutality that has persisted since 1619. Dr. King’s speech was given on August 28, 1963 and two weeks later on September 15, 1963, the KKK bombed 16th Street Baptist Church and killed four African American girls: Addie Mae Collins (age 14, born April 18, 1949), Carol Denise McNair (age 11, born November 17, 1951), Carole Rosamond Robertson (age 14, born April 24, 1949), and Cynthia Dionne Wesley (age 14, born April 30, 1949). My mother was born in 1949. It could have easily been her. There are countless African American deaths at the hands of racial terrorism that we will never know about. The Red Summer of 1919 when the most African Americans (on record) were lynched. An entire Civil War just decades prior was waged over whether or not the United States should or should continue to be a country rooted in the slave economy. The complexity by which the North and South were guilty of profiting from – looking at you Harvard and others and have never rectified. The bloodshed, terror, and violence has been endless and it has not receded.

“I wouldn’t give it no more thought than wringing a cat’s neck! And there ain’t a court in Mississippi that’d convict me for it.” Frank Bailey’s, a character in Mississippi Burning, quote in regards to killing African Americans. This is and has been America’s attitude towards African America in its entirety. Not just individuals, but our institutions and communities as well. The underfunding of HBCUs or the burning of countless towns from Rosewood to Tulsa, our death and demise is sport and entertainment. African America has constantly believed that we could appeal to the morality of fellow Americans and “Christians”. We could work hard enough and show them our humanity. Imagine us thinking we need to prove to them we were hard working, civil, or human. It is both comical and insulting. But like many centuries ago, we have since the end of the Civil Rights Movement returns to working hard for everyone but ourselves and our institutions. That time needs to be over and we need to return to the principles and efforts that built towns like Rosewood, Greenwood, 100 HBCUs, 100 African American boarding schools, and over 500 African American owned hospitals. It is time to abandon any hope that peace can be achieved. Our sovereignty and survival is all that matters going forward. There are no more olive branches to be had. Not even from those that call themselves moderates or liberals because far too often we have seen them fall silent or pushed us to assimilate into spaces that did not empower us, did not provide institutional ownership to us, and often were spaces that were paternalistic and just as hostile to us as their conservative cousins. No, there are no more olive branches to be had because our survival depends on it.

Dr. John Henrik Clarke, a noted Pan-African historian, and someone who I consider an unofficial mentor said that any African American who is looking to devise a plan must look at our communities as nation-states and therefore must consider these fundamental pillars:

How will my people be housed?

How will my people be educated?

How will my people be fed?

How will my people be defended?

The answers to these questions can no longer be grassroots, they have to be institutional and they have to be thought about in a way that recognizes that our sovereign nation-state is adjacent to an adversary who has and will invade us. It is not a question of if they will, but when will they because they have so many times before. Unfortuantely, we cannot ask Dr. King what his thoughts about his “Dream” for America would be today because at the age of 39 he was assassinated. He was assassinated three years after his contemporary Malcolm X was assasinated and five years after Medgar Evers was assassinated in his driveway. Medgar Evers just two months before the “I Have A Dream” speech would take place. He was not blind to what America was for African America and he was certainly not blind to how our adversaries saw us or the lengths they were willing to go to in order to silence us. For the last 50 plus years since Dr. King’s passing African America has tried to make a peace that we should now see is not possible. It is time for the Dream Redefined and that dream should start and stop with actions that provide for the institutional sovereignty and survial of African America period.

Appeased: Mississippi’s Flagship HBCU Gets An “Agreement” Instead Of A Law School

“Freedom has never been free.” – Medgar Evers

It never ceases to amaze how easily appeased African America can be. We need 40 acres and instead allow ourselves to be given a pot with some dirt in it and are expected to act grateful. Ironically, often we do. “They gave us something” could be a whole mantra that we hear far too often when we need to show our communities that the mantra is “We fight not capitulate”. Time and time again PWIs show that they will put alligator and piranha filled moats around things like law schools, MBAs, and research to ensure that HBCUs never encroach on that institutional power. We get “agreements” that allow PWIs to pick and choose the best and brightest of our undergraduates for their graduate schools. The next Thurgood Marshall cannot come from one of our own HBCU law schools like the late justice but inevitably from a PWI law school where the molding of law and its purpose will be shaped how they see fit. Usually still to their benefit. The flagship HBCU in Mississippi cannot have a law school, it has an agreement. Imagine Ole Miss getting an “agreement” with something in Jackson State’s control. You cannot imagine it because it would never happen.

Historical and Structural Underrepresentation

  • Limited Legal Education Options for African Americans: Historically, African Americans were denied access to legal education at predominantly white institutions (PWIs) and were often left with no choice but to attend the few law schools established at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Today, there are only six HBCU law schools:
    • Howard University School of Law
    • Southern University Law Center
    • Texas Southern University Thurgood Marshall School of Law
    • Florida A&M University College of Law
    • North Carolina Central University School of Law
    • University of the District of Columbia David A. Clarke School of Law
  • None in Mississippi: Despite Mississippi’s large African American population (nearly 40% of the state), there are no HBCU-affiliated law schools in the state. This lack forces African American students to compete for limited seats at existing law schools, often in environments that may not prioritize their unique needs or cultural experiences.

Historical Context of Discrimination in Mississippi Higher Education

  • Systemic Exclusion: For much of the 20th century, African Americans were excluded from attending predominantly white institutions (PWIs) in Mississippi. Segregation laws and practices relegated Black students to underfunded HBCUs, such as Jackson State University.
  • Funding Disparities: HBCUs in Mississippi have historically received significantly less funding than PWIs. This underfunding has limited their ability to expand academic offerings and infrastructure, including professional programs like law schools.

Ongoing Disparities

  • Resource Inequities: Mississippi’s higher education system continues to show disparities in funding and resources between HBCUs and PWIs. These inequities impact the quality of education and opportunities available to students at HBCUs.
  • Underrepresentation in Legal Education: African Americans remain underrepresented in Mississippi’s existing law schools, including the University of Mississippi School of Law and Mississippi College School of Law. These institutions do not adequately address the unique challenges faced by Black students and communities.
  • Pipeline Challenges: The lack of professional schools at HBCUs in Mississippi limits pathways for Black students to enter high-impact fields like law, perpetuating disparities in representation and leadership.

Historical Challenges at the University of Mississippi

  • Resistance to Integration: The admission of James Meredith in 1962 as the first African American student at Ole Miss was met with violent riots, requiring federal intervention. This historical event illustrates the extreme resistance to racial integration and set the tone for ongoing challenges faced by African American students.
  • Legacy of Segregation: The University of Mississippi, like many Southern institutions, has a deeply entrenched history of segregation that continues to influence campus culture and attitudes.

Ongoing Issues Faced by African American Students

  • Hostile Campus Environment: Many African American students at Ole Miss report feeling unwelcome or isolated due to a predominantly white student body and lingering racial tensions. Incidents of racism, such as vandalism of monuments and racist social media posts, contribute to a climate of hostility.
  • Symbolic Racism: The continued presence of Confederate symbols, including statues and the former use of Confederate imagery in campus traditions, reinforces a sense of exclusion for Black students. Efforts to remove or contextualize these symbols have been slow and controversial.
  • Underrepresentation: African American students are underrepresented at Ole Miss compared to the state’s demographics, limiting opportunities for meaningful diversity and inclusion.
  • Incidents of Racial Harassment: High-profile incidents, such as the noose placed around the statue of James Meredith in 2014, serve as stark reminders of ongoing racial animosity. These events create psychological distress and reinforce systemic barriers for Black students.

The African American brain drain into predominantly white institutions (PWIs) poses a significant challenge to the mission of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) like Jackson State University (JSU). Establishing a law school at JSU would address this issue by offering a culturally affirming and accessible path for African American students to pursue legal education. This initiative would help retain talent, strengthen HBCU legacies, and diversify the legal profession.

Understanding African American Brain Drain

  • What is Brain Drain? Brain drain occurs when highly capable and motivated individuals, particularly African Americans, leave HBCUs to pursue educational and career opportunities at PWIs. This is often due to the lack of specialized or professional programs, such as law schools, at HBCUs.
  • Mississippi’s Context: Mississippi is home to several HBCUs, including Jackson State University, but none of these institutions offer legal education. As a result, aspiring African American lawyers in Mississippi are compelled to attend PWIs such as the University of Mississippi School of Law or Mississippi College School of Law, or leave the state entirely.

Impacts of Brain Drain

  • Cultural Isolation: African American students at PWIs often report feelings of isolation and marginalization due to a lack of diversity in faculty, curriculum, and campus culture. This can hinder their academic and professional development.
  • Loss of HBCU Legacy: When African American students leave HBCUs for PWIs, they miss the opportunity to benefit from the culturally affirming and supportive environments HBCUs provide. HBCUs foster a sense of community and empowerment that is particularly important in professional fields like law.
  • Weakened HBCU Influence: Brain drain diminishes the influence of HBCUs by limiting their ability to produce leaders in fields like law, where African Americans are already underrepresented. This affects the ability of HBCUs to contribute to societal change through their alumni.

The Role of PWIs in African American Brain Drain

  • Limited Inclusion: PWIs often fail to adequately support African American students. Issues such as implicit bias, underrepresentation among faculty, and a lack of focus on issues relevant to African American communities make these institutions less ideal for Black students.
  • Recruitment of Top Talent: Many PWIs actively recruit top African American talent, which they recognize as essential for promoting diversity. However, these efforts can inadvertently draw students away from HBCUs that would better align with their cultural and educational needs.

Mississippi became the last state to remove the Confederate battle flag from its state flag in 2020. The birthplace of Medgar Evers who was murdered in his driveway. It is the home of the Freedom Summer that saw three voting rights activists murdered that brought nationwide attention and shun a spotlight on the atrocities. The potential for the impact of a law school at Jackson State University and the creation of the seventh HBCU law school would be profound. African Americans constitute almost 15 percent of the US population and 40 percent of the Mississippi population, but less than 9 percent of Mississippi’s active lawyers are African American. An “agreement” with Ole Miss is highly unlikely to change that paradigm. This is a chance for an African American institution to not take the bull by the horns, but be the bull.

Amplifying the Civil Rights Legacy

  • Mississippi’s Legacy of Activism: The state has been at the center of the civil rights movement, with many battles fought for racial equality and justice. A JSU law school could build on this legacy, preparing lawyers to continue the fight against discrimination and inequality.
  • Empowering Marginalized Communities: By training lawyers from diverse backgrounds, the law school could directly address issues like voting rights, criminal justice reform, and educational equity—critical areas in a state still grappling with the effects of systemic racism.

The Role of JSU in Filling the Gap

  • Addressing Local Needs: A law school at JSU would directly address the absence of African American legal institutions in Mississippi, offering a local and affordable option for students who wish to study law in a supportive environment.
  • Culturally Relevant Curriculum: As an HBCU, JSU could design a curriculum that emphasizes the legal challenges faced by African American communities, such as systemic racism, criminal justice reform, and civil rights advocacy.
  • Building a Pipeline of Black Lawyers: By increasing access to legal education for African Americans, JSU could help diversify the legal profession and prepare graduates to address the specific legal needs of marginalized communities.

How a JSU Law School Can Address Brain Drain

  • Retaining Talent in Mississippi: Establishing a law school at JSU would give African American students in Mississippi the option to pursue legal education at an HBCU without leaving their state or community.
  • Culturally Relevant Education: A JSU law school could tailor its programs to address the legal challenges most relevant to African American communities, such as civil rights, voting rights, and criminal justice reform.
  • Strengthening HBCU Legacies: By offering a law program, JSU could enhance its reputation as a premier institution for African American education and leadership, attracting top talent to remain within the HBCU ecosystem.

The Need for an Inclusive Legal Education at JSU

  • Safe and Supportive Environment: An HBCU law school at Jackson State University would provide a nurturing environment for African American students, free from the racial hostility that has been reported at Ole Miss.
  • Focus on African American Legal Issues: A law school at JSU could emphasize areas of law that disproportionately impact Black communities, such as civil rights, voting rights, criminal justice reform, and housing law.
  • Addressing the Legacy of Exclusion: By creating a pathway to legal education specifically designed to empower marginalized groups, JSU could challenge the structural inequalities that have persisted in Mississippi’s higher education system.

Broader Benefits of a JSU Law School

  • Community Impact: Graduates of a JSU law school would be more likely to practice in underserved and predominantly African American communities, addressing legal deserts in Mississippi and beyond.
  • Representation in the Legal Profession: Increasing the number of African American lawyers trained at an HBCU would help diversify the legal profession and create more advocates for systemic change.
  • Economic and Cultural Reinvestment: Retaining African American students at JSU would help prevent the economic and cultural losses associated with brain drain, fostering stronger HBCU communities and alumni networks.

Mississippi’s lack of African American legal institutions highlights the urgency of a law school at JSU. Such a school would address historical exclusion, provide a platform for empowerment and justice, and meet the unique legal needs of African American communities. JSU’s law school could play a pivotal role in advancing social justice and transforming the legal profession.

The challenges African American students face at PWIs like the University of Mississippi further emphasize the need for supportive alternatives. A law school at Jackson State University would create an environment where Black legal scholars can thrive, challenging systemic inequities in higher education. By fostering a new generation of African American lawyers, JSU could significantly advance African America’s institutional empowerment, justice, and opportunity across Mississippi and beyond.

It is hard to imagine with the current social and political climate that has seen the Southern “attitude” towards African America emboldened that a partnership or agreement with the flagship institution of that attitude being anything more than cover for continued behavior and a means of a subversive quelling of African American institutional empowerment and independence. The Medgar Evers Law School at Jackson State University located in the capital of the state that is a symbol of power being named after Medgar Evers and a substance of power being a law school in the heart of Dixie. A heart that African America needs to be break.

HBCU Money™ Business Book Feature – The A.G. Gaston Motel in Birmingham, A Civil Rights Landmark

16949065-standard

Traveling throughout the South during the 1950s was hazardous for African Americans. There were precious few hotels and restaurants that opened their doors to minorities, and fewer still had accommodations above the bare minimum, to say nothing of the racism and violence that followed. But in Birmingham, black entrepreneur and eventual millionaire A.G. Gaston created a first-class motel and lounge for African Americans that became a symbol of pride of his community. It served as the headquarters for Birmingham’s civil rights movement and became a revolving door for famous entertainers, activists, politicians and other pillars of the national black community. Author Marie Sutton chronicles the fascinating story of the motel and how it became a refuge during a time when African Americans could find none.

HBCU Money™ Business Book Feature – Inherently Unequal: The Betrayal of Equal Rights by the Supreme Court, 1865-1903

unequal

A potent and original examination of how the Supreme Court subverted justice and empowered the Jim Crow era.

In the years following the Civil War, the 13th Amendment abolished slavery; the 14th conferred citizenship and equal protection under the law to white and black; and the 15th gave black American males the right to vote. In 1875, the most comprehensive civil rights legislation in the nation’s history granted all Americans “the full and equal enjoyment” of public accommodations. Just eight years later, the Supreme Court, by an 8-1 vote, overturned the Civil Rights Act as unconstitutional and, in the process, disemboweled the equal protection provisions of the 14th Amendment. Using court records and accounts of the period, Lawrence Goldstone chronicles how “by the dawn of the 20th century the U.S. had become the nation of Jim Crow laws, quasi-slavery, and precisely the same two-tiered system of justice that had existed in the slave era.”

The very human story of how and why this happened make Inherently Unequal as important as it is provocative. Examining both celebrated decisions like Plessy v. Ferguson and those often overlooked, Goldstone demonstrates how the Supreme Court turned a blind eye to the obvious reality of racism, defending instead the business establishment and status quo–thereby legalizing the brutal prejudice that came to define the Jim Crow era.